The Issue With Malaysians Giving Up Their Citizenship, Here Are Their Real Stories

Some of the debates in Malaysia regarding expatriates:

The obvious reasons to migrate to another country includes better economic conditions abroad, specialised work opportunities as well as several social related reasons among many others, all of which is experienced by not just Malaysians but for people in other countries too.

Selective reporting of statistics often play up this lop-sided view of Malaysians abandoning their country. In March last year, it was widely reported that 93% of Malaysians would gladly leave the country if offered better job prospects and career advancement in a poll conducted by recruiting firm Hays.

What was not reported was that in the same poll, a whopping 97% of Singapore job seekers were willing to relocate overseas if job opportunities came along. According to the same poll, 96% of China’s citizens were willing to leave their country to work overseas while 94% of Hong Kong residents felt the same.

“The opportunity to gain highly valued international experience is the number one factor driving local talent overseas,” said Christine Wright, managing director of Hays in Asia commented on the poll results.

“These candidates want to gain a job overseas because employers increasingly value local talent with international experience and an international mindset.”

So instead of throwing around insults like ‘unpatriotic’ opportunists or our country treating some of its citizens unfairly, why not hear from our citizens who do end up spending probably most of their lifetime abroad.

Malaysian Digest approached several former Malaysians and also Malaysians currently living abroad to share with us their stories that go beyond stereotypical labels, discussing with us their experiences with maintaining Malaysian ties without being ‘technically’ Malaysian themselves.

Source: The Issue With Malaysians Giving Up Their Citizenship, Here Are Their Real Stories

The big reason why Brad Wall can’t be prime minister

Sums up one of the fundamental realities well but ignores that many new Canadians send their children to French immersion programs:

A paradox encompasses two mutually exclusive propositions that are nonetheless both true. Federal bilingualism is such a paradox.

It is right and proper that senior federal politicians and public servants must speak both English and French. English-speakers need only ask themselves how they would feel about a unilingual French cabinet minister or Supreme Court judge to understand that truth. Canada is a bilingual country. Ottawa must be bilingual. Case closed.

But the bilingualism requirement is also exclusionary, which government hiring practises should not be. Because only 17.5 per cent of Canadians are bilingual, it effectively prohibits four out of five of us from advancing in the federal public service or in federal politics. It discriminates against Western Canadians, people from Southern Ontario, Quebeckers who don’t live near the Ontario or New Brunswick borders (those two “bilingualism belts” are where most bilingual Canadians are to be found) and most Atlantic Canadians.

It similarly discriminates against most immigrants, who come from China, India, the Philippines and other countries where French isn’t spoken.

Such observations often provoke a retort from Graham Fraser, the Commissioner of Official Languages. But as Mr. Fraser himself recently observed: “Canada is a country with two unilingual majorities: Some 60 per cent of Francophones do not speak English, and some 90 per cent of Anglophones do not speak French.” Almost 50 years of official bilingualism haven’t changed that reality, and the next 50 years are unlikely to change it either.

The bilingual paradox inhibits the ability of political parties to renew. Mr. Wall and entrepreneur Kevin O’Leary have both been touted as possible leaders for the Conservative Party, but both have no hope of leading that party, because both are unilingual and Canada’s prime minister simply must be bilingual.

And the lost opportunities extend far beyond these two. We may never know what potential prime minister was lost to the country when, years ago, she decided not to run for Parliament because her second language is Mandarin, not French.

And please, let’s dispense with the idea that Mr. Wall or anyone like him could “pick up” French if they wanted to lead the Conservative Party. Middle-aged learners, unless they inherently gifted, do not “pick up” a second language well enough to joust in the House of Commons or take part in a national leaders’ debate. Stéphane Dion’s English is actually quite good – certainly better than Mr. Wall’s French would ever be – yet many English Canadians considered it inadequate when he was Liberal leader.

Brad Wall is a popular and effective premier who will never become prime minister because he can’t speak French. That’s the price of the paradox. And there really isn’t anything anyone can do about it.

Source: The big reason why Brad Wall can’t be prime minister – The Globe and Mail

ICYMI: Le Centre de prévention de la radicalisation fait l’objet de pressions

The Centre is off to a rocky start. There may be some lessons here for the planned federal Office of the Community Outreach and Counter-radicalization Coordinator:

Le Centre de prévention de la radicalisation menant à la violence de Montréal (CPRMV), créé il y a un an pour aider les proches et les personnes à risque d’être radicalisées, fait l’objet de pression et d’attaques cinglantes de la part de certains musulmans qui l’accusent d’être partial et de critiquer « sans ménagement la pensée islamique ».

Les critiques déposées par cette minorité à l’égard du CPRMV ne sont pas nouvelles, mais cette semaine, la vigueur de leurs attaques a redoublé d’ardeur, allant jusqu’à entraîner le départ d’une de ses chercheuses, accusée d’être « schizophrène » et d’« être tout sauf objective concernant la pensée et les courants religieux, musulmans, qu’elle dit étudier ».

Le site Muslim News a en effet mis en ligne jeudi après-midi un texte non signé, critiquant vertement le choix du CPRMV d’avoir recruté la chercheuse et spécialiste de la radicalisation Mounia Ait Kabboura, en février dernier. Le texte « Quelle mouche a piqué les anti-radicaux ? » est une salve virulente visant à miner la crédibilité de la nouvelle recrue.

Source: Le Centre de prévention de la radicalisation fait l’objet de pressions | Le Devoir

ICYMI: Anxiety in Vancouver over Hong Kong’s future

A different angle on diaspora politics:

Vancouver has long been intimately tied to this kind of soul-searching about the future of Hong Kong.

Hundreds of thousands of Hong Kong Chinese became Canadian citizens in the late 1980s and 1990s after the Tiananmen Square massacre in Beijing in 1989 and in the years leading up to 1997. But many later returned to work and live in Hong Kong as mainland China prospered economically.

At the same time, a generation of Chinese and non-Chinese Canadians from Vancouver also packed their bags and headed to Hong Kong seeking adventure, work and ties to their heritage as political fears gave way to the lure of interesting opportunities — often, again, tied to the rise of mainland China.

As such, both groups, especially those with more established business interests, are generally more constrained to speak up publicly for Hong Kong’s interests, though many will privately sigh.

“Concerns for Hong Kong go hand-in-hand with needing to also consider their beneficial relationship with China,” observes Helen Hok-Sze Leung, associate professor at Simon Fraser University, who grew up in Hong Kong.

Lam and others, however, are part of a younger generation in Vancouver who relate with peers in Hong Kong who have become more strident in identifying themselves as being part of a Hong Kong that is culturally separate from mainland China.

“It’s the city where I grew up so I have stronger ties and I naturally feel bad” about what is happening, says Lam.

“I go onto Twitter and Weibo and see Hong Kong young people writing (in the local dialect) of Cantonese and declaring themselves as Hong Kongers first,” says Leung. “This is a generation that was born under (mainland) Chinese rule and yet their sense of local (Hong Kong) identity and asserting that culture seems stronger than in my generation, and this percolates to migrants (who move to Vancouver).”

Lee, the lecturer, recently spoke about independent film Ten Years, which became an unexpected hit in Hong Kong when it was released in mid-December. The film consists of five ominous short stories hypothesizing what Hong Kong will be like 10 years from now. In one, cab drivers who speak Cantonese instead of Mandarin have their livelihoods clipped when they are prohibited from picking up certain passengers. In another, books are censored and banned ones are pulled off shelves.

According to Reuters, the film broke box office records in Hong Kong for attendance, but around a month later, after mainland Chinese state-controlled publication “denounced Ten Years in a January editorial,” the filmmakers were told by cinemas in Hong Kong they couldn’t continue showing it because of scheduling issues.

Source: Anxiety in Vancouver over Hong Kong’s future

Citizenship workshop @ImmigrationCBoC: Points of interest

Good workshop panel, with Charlie Foran and Arghavan Gerami joining me, with each of us covering different aspects.

Two points of interest for me that arose in the questions and discussion:

  • The impact of the physical presence requirement on internationally mobile professionals and business people. One CEO made the persuasive case that this requirement precluded citizenship for those based in Canada but whose frequent travel abroad meant they were not able to meet the minimum number of days in Canada requirement; and,
  • A former citizenship judge picking up on this point, noted the reduced role of judges in decision-making meant that the lack of days could not be balanced against the overall contribution such individuals made. The lack of discretion, introduced to provide greater consistency in decision-making (a valid policy and program objective), had consequences for this small but significant group.

Physical presence was introduced to address those who only had a legal residence or presence in Canada but who lived abroad, with the main examples being from Hong Kong and the Gulf countries.

Some early consultations and discussion on residency requirements suggested that making it four out of six years (being changed to three out of five years in C-6) would provide reasonable flexibility for those whose work took them outside Canada (e.g., truckers, pilots and a number of professions), while balancing the need to have the meaningful experience of Canada that came from living here.

I suspect that additional consultations and analysis would provide better data on how many people are affected, or potentially affected, with consequent reflection on whether policy and program adjustments are required.

Given the nature of the Conference Board audience, many of the plenary sessions focussed, directly or indirectly, on questions of business or investor immigration. Most of these speakers were advocates, given the nature of their organization or business, and largely ignored the body of evidence that previous programs had not generated significant economic returns.

One panelist even praised the Quebec model, despite the common knowledge that many if not most business investors in Quebec left, with Chinese investors in particular largely ending up in British Columbia, and who also advocated for a citizenship investor program similar to Malta and Cyprus.

Will be interesting to see if these comments on citizenship and business and investor immigration make it into the Conference Board’s immigration action plan and, if so, the precise nature of the recommendations.

Dans les coulisses de la francisation: Language and integration

Quebec debates over the francisation of immigrants and the number leaving Quebec (without asking why):

«Québec peine à franciser ses immigrants », apprenait-on il y a quelques mois. Le genre de manchettes qui donne froid dans le dos, vu l’importance de la chose pour l’avenir du Québec. Quand le français se porte mal, tout le monde se retrouve un peu amoché, car la langue est, jusqu’à nouvel ordre, notre seul projet de société. En même temps, la loi 101 n’a jamais été une baguette magique. La francisation est-elle vraiment plus difficile aujourd’hui ?

À en croire une femme qui en fait son pain et son beurre depuis sept ans, le diagnostic n’est pas du tout exagéré. « Tout a changé », dit-elle, se référant à la fois au nouveau programme du ministère (MIDI) et aux immigrants à qui elle enseigne. Cette femme — qui ne veut pas être identifiée « tellement tout est politique » — en a long à dire sur les coupes, mais aussi sur la nouvelle composition des classes. Depuis plus d’un an, 50 % des élèves sont iraniens, du jamais vu pour ce qui est d’une telle communauté.« On dépense une fortune pour des gens qui ont peu d’intérêt à apprendre le français », dit mon interlocutrice.

Les ressortissants iraniens, ainsi que chinois et indiens, sont les moins susceptibles de rester au Québec. Un sur deux quitte la province pour une autre quelques années après son arrivée. Le Québec a pourtant accueilli 6000 Iraniens en 2014, et plus de 3000 dans les neuf premiers mois de 2015, en première et deuxième position du palmarès des groupes reçus. Selon le MIDI, ce sont des immigrants qui auraient été refusés ailleurs au Canada après un changement de critères de sélection. Mais pourquoi accepterait-on des gens devenus inadmissibles au fédéral et qui sont, de plus, de moins bons candidats à la francisation ? « Les Latinos savent très bien où ils débarquent en arrivant ici, dit Mme F (pour francisation). Les Brésiliens et les Colombiens sont ceux qui semblent s’intégrer le mieux ; ils sont toujours une valeur ajoutée dans une classe. »

Les problèmes en francisation ne se limitent pas à la motivation de certains élèves. Le nouveau programme du MIDI fait aussi grincer des dents. D’abord, les établissements de francisation — des universités ou des cégeps très souvent — ne sont plus vus comme des « partenaires », mais plutôt des « mandataires », un peu comme nous ne sommes plus des « patients », mais des « clients » aux yeux du ministère de la Santé. Ensuite, les professeurs n’ont plus de pouvoir d’évaluation. Finis, les tests de classement et les notes en cours de route. À la manière Barrette, c’est le ministère qui décide désormais des niveaux de compétence (il y en a trois) et de l’évaluation finale. Résultats ? « On se retrouve avec des classes à deux, trois vitesses, et plus personne ne reprend une classe. Après le troisième niveau, ils sont souvent à peine capables de conjuguer un verbe », dit Mme F.

Source: Dans les coulisses de la francisation | Le Devoir

ICYMI: Ankara’s citizenship plan for Syrian refugees raises Kurdish worries

The politics of citizenship:

Turkey’s Kurdish lawmakers say the government’s decision to gradually grant citizenship to over 3 million Syrian refugees in the country’s Kurdish cities can disturb the population makeup of the area and incite ethnic tensions.

“We support efforts to embrace and help the refugees but the government’s plan is not assistance, it is part of a wider political game to strengthen its roots here,” said Mahmoud Togrul, a member of parliament from the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) in the city of Entab.

Togrul believes Ankara is exploiting the refugee crisis, and by giving voting rights to the Syrian migrants it plans to secure votes ahead of the 2019 elections.

“Most of the Syrians will choose to stay in Turkey and that will be decisive in the coming elections,” he said.

According to the Turkish law, applicants will be granted citizenship after five years of residence in the country. This makes the bulk of the Syrian refugees eligible candidates for Turkish citizenship in the coming years, and able to vote in the next elections.

Official data also show that nearly 152,000 children have been born in Turkey whose parents came as refugees from Syria.

Ankara has said by getting citizenship, the refugees will have brighter prospects in the labor market and reduce the overall migration to Europe.

As part of an agreement with the European Union, called the Facility for Refugees in Turkey, Ankara will be receiving 6 billion euros over the next three years and resume the EU membership talks that stalled in late 2000.

Critics say giving millions of refugees citizen status will serve the strategic plans of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP).

“There will be over 1 million new voters in the 2019 elections if the government goes through with the proposal, which will in turn change the outcome of the elections,” said lawmaker Erdogan Toprak from the opposition Republican Peoples’ Party (CHP), quoted by Turkish daily Hurriyet.

Toprak said the government plans to create settlements for the refugees with the financial help it will receive from the EU, influencing the demographic development in the southeast where Kurds are in the majority.

The majority of the Syrian refugees in Turkey are of Arab origin, along with large numbers of Kurdish and Turkmen asylum seekers.

“What is strategically important for the government is the bordering areas connecting Kurdish lands in Syria, Iraq and Turkey, which Ankara wants to influence by placing the refugees’ families there,” said Kurdish author Fehim Ashiq.

Source: Ankara’s citizenship plan for Syrian refugees raises Kurdish wor

Has Labour under Corbyn really gone soft on antisemitism? | Tony Klug 

One of the more thoughtful and balanced commentary on the UK Labour antisemitism issue:

For Britons on all sides, it means reflecting on the critical role Britain and Europe played in instigating the conflict in the first place. The tragic historical Arab-Jewish clash was the product of generations of virulent European antisemitism at home and rampant imperialism abroad. It was white Europe’s innate sense of superiority and its routine oppression that fostered Jewish nationalism, Arab nationalism and Palestinian nationalism. Europe’s present-day assumption of the moral high ground over a conflict it helped to shape is breathtakingly audacious. Those on the British left today who disdainfully dismiss Israel as merely a colonial-settler state conveniently forget that Jews were not sent to Palestine as agents of imperial Europe, but were fleeing the continent for their lives.

For its victims, the systematic annihilation of two-thirds of European Jews was not just a shocking historical statistic. A cataclysm of that magnitude has inevitably left an indelible mark on the psyche of a people made to feel not just powerless, but also utterly degraded and worthless. Probably most Jews, including strong critics of successive Israeli governments, hold on to Israel as the phoenix that arose from the ashes. Many lament that the Jewish state did not come into existence 10 years earlier, for that might have saved up to 6 million Jewish lives.

It is these sentiments that are generally uppermost in the minds of Jews who passionately parade their support for Israel. Their myopia regarding the increasingly desperate Palestinian plight is shadowed by the insensitivity of others who dismiss them as simply bigots or oppressors. This is felt particularly keenly when their accusers seem much less exercised by the gross human rights abuses of a host of despotic regimes or the brutal antics of armed militant groups, and in some cases even make excuses for them.

Historically, Jews and Arabs have mostly had cordial relations. The Jewish and Muslim belief systems and customs have much in common. The contemporary conflict has severely undermined these ties and has fostered in their place the parallel phenomena of anti-Jewish sentiment in the Arab and Muslim worlds and anti-Muslim and anti-Arab sentiment in the Jewish world. Ultimately, only a resolution of the conflict will settle these matters. Here, Europe could be appropriately and energetically engaged. Meanwhile, it should not be forgotten that Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs are fated to live alongside each other one way or another. Thus they both have an intrinsic interest in spurning the sometimes dubious support of fair-weather third parties whose antipathy to one side or the other can be so odious that it could poison relations indefinitely.

By promptly excluding Downing and Kirby, and investigating recent allegations of endemic antisemitism in the Oxford University Labour Club, the Labour party is showing itself to be alert to this insidious menace. But these steps might be tinkering at the edges. Without prejudging them, a comprehensive open inquiry into antisemitism on the British left, including the Labour party, would help clarify the underlying issues and draw out the important distinctions. As proudly proclaimed opponents of racist bigotry in all its forms, Jeremy Corbyn and the party he leads could provide an important service to the fabric of community relations by taking on this challenge.

Source: Has Labour under Corbyn really gone soft on antisemitism? | Tony Klug | Opinion | The Guardian

Black Lives Matter co-founder called out for tweet deemed racist

Legitimate to call out someone for using such language. There are other ways to express anger and advocate for justice and incendiary language does not help build support and consensus on needed change:

After the end of the Black Lives Matter occupation at police headquarters, the rhetoric of one of the group’s co-founders is causing a social media kerfuffle.

On Monday the two-week protest came to an end with a march on Queen’s Park, a brief meeting with Premier Kathleen Wynne, and a rally in the streets. But it’s a tweet from two months ago that has people talking.

On Tuesday, Newstalk 1010 host Jerry Agar posted online a photograph of a printout of a tweet from the account of Yusra Khogali.

“Plz Allah give me strength not to cuss/kill these men and white folks out here today. Plz plz plz,” read the tweet from February.

The Star could not independently confirm the tweet’s veracity; it is not publicly available, as her account is set to private.

Neither Khogali nor other organizers of the Toronto chapter of Black Lives Matter responded to repeated requests for comment on Tuesday.

In his initial post and later tweets, Agar called the sentiment racist.

Reaction online was mixed, with many calling Agar out for antagonizing the protest movement while others sympathized with his position.

Public relations consultant Marjorie Wallens suspects the general public is willing to forgive the group’s missteps given it’s a “not a professionally organized group that has sophisticated messaging.”

“Their passion is there and I think in the court of public opinion people would look at it and say, ‘Well, there’s an issue,’ ” she said. “It might be a bit more disorganized or some people may say inappropriate or incendiary things, but . . . they have gotten the attention of the various governments and the police.”

She added the Toronto demonstrations should “get points” for being relatively calm and contained.

“It’s a volatile situation and issue that could be incendiary as it has been shown in the U.S. to be,” she said.

Source: Black Lives Matter co-founder called out for tweet deemed racist | Toronto Star

Almost 300 people nominated under new senate appointment process

Senate Appointments - with nominations.001Strong level of diversity among those nominated to fill Senate vacancies in Manitoba, Ontario, and Quebec. But Quebec had a surprising low-level of nominations: only 39 compared to Manitoba’s 51 and Ontario’s 194:

Almost 300 Canadians were nominated to become the first senators appointed under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s new process aimed at turning the Senate into a less partisan, more independent chamber of sober second thought.

Trudeau named seven new senators last month, all chosen from a short list of 25 recommended by a newly created, arm’s length advisory board.

In its first report on the fledgling process, the board says it received 284 nominations from a host of groups representing a broad cross-section of Canada’s diverse population.

The nominees were 49 per cent female, 51 per cent male; 10 per cent identified themselves as indigenous, 16 per cent as visible minorities and four per cent as disabled.

The board’s first batch of recommendations were for vacancies in Quebec, Ontario and Manitoba.

Overall, 72 per cent of the nominees were anglophones but the vast majority of nominees for the open Quebec slots were francophone.

However, the report suggests interest in the new Senate appointment process was lowest in Quebec: just 39 nominations were to fill vacancies in that province, compared to 51 for Manitoba and 194 for Ontario.

Source: Almost 300 people nominated under new senate appointment process – Macleans.ca