Rioux: La peur des mots

Surprising he didn’t mention “pregnant people” or “people who menstruate” as another example, or perhaps these terms have not crossed the Atlantic to France. In line with Orwell’s famous essay, “Politics and the English Language”:

La fonction des mots n’est-elle pas de dire les choses et de le dire avec le plus de clarté et de précision possible ? Longtemps, ceux qui font métier d’écrire ou de parler ont entretenu le culte du mot juste. Il s’agissait d’éviter les idées floues et les phrases imprécises. Et avec elles, ces mots qui cultivent l’imprécision, le vague ou la vacuité.

On ne m’en voudra pas de déflorer cette nouvelle année en mettant en garde contre un certain nombre de ces mots qui pullulent malheureusement dans nos médias. Car, depuis un certain nombre d’années, on a vu se multiplier ces expressions dont la fonction n’était pas de dire les choses avec précision, mais de le dire avec le plus de flou possible. Soit que leurs locuteurs souhaitaient dissimuler leurs pensées, soit qu’ils aient craint d’éventuelles représailles. À moins qu’ils n’aient tout simplement rien eu à dire, se contentant d’ânonner les expressions à la mode. Cela existe.

Malheureusement pour ces derniers, les mots, eux, ne mentent pas. Après la COVID-19, le SRAS et l’Ebola, l’épidémie du mot « personne » est certainement l’une des pires qu’on ait connues depuis longtemps. Pas une journée sans que la radio et la télévision, sous prétexte d’« inclusivité », ne nous entretiennent de « personnes handicapées », de « personnes hospitalisées » ou de « personnes itinérantes ». Sans oublier ce summum absolu de toutes ces lapalissades : la « personne humaine » !

Ce n’est pas un hasard si, à l’origine, le mot personne désignait un masque de théâtre. N’est-ce pas ce mot qu’utilisa d’ailleurs Ulysse pour tromper le Cyclope ? Voilà pourtant qu’un petit malin — probablement payé au mot — a décroché le Graal en inventant la formule « personne en situation de ». Nous voilà donc affublés de « personnes en situation de handicap », de « personnes en situation d’hospitalisation » et d’« élève en situation d’échec ». À quand la personne « en situation de bêtise » ou « en situation de sottise » ? À ce rythme, il faudra bientôt des périphrases interminables pour nommer les choses les plus simples. Tout pour mettre à distance la réalité : celle des « handicapés », des « malades » et des « cancres » !

Ces circonvolutions linguistiques ne sont pas que de simples tics de langage. Elles participent de cette rectitude politique que certains, comme l’écrivain Allan Bloom, identifièrent dès les années 1980. Cette mauvaise conscience des élites protestantes américaines est devenue depuis une véritable maladie dégénérative qui atteint tout particulièrement la langue.

J’ai tendance à penser que c’est par cette perversion du vocabulaire — qui crée en quelque sorte des « safe spaces » linguistiques où l’on ne risque plus d’être importuné par la réalité — que le wokisme a lentement gagné en influence sans faire de bruit, jusqu’à gangrener nos universités et nos médias. Car qui gagne la bataille des mots gagne la guerre.

Prenez cette recrudescence du mot « inapproprié » qui pollue les ondes et les pages des journaux. Non content d’être la plupart du temps un anglicisme (« inappropriate »), le mot semble fait sur mesure pour incriminer quelqu’un sans avoir à dire si son attitude était simplement déplacée, impolie, indécente, carrément abjecte, violente ou même criminelle.

On retrouve le même flou artistique sciemment entretenu dans ce qu’il est dorénavant convenu de nommer les « inconduites sexuelles ». Quel mot pratique pour accuser quelqu’un sans avoir à dire de quoi. La formule semble avoir été récupérée dans un manuel de bienséance de la bonne société victorienne. Elle désigne aussi bien une farce grivoise qu’un viol. On la dirait inventée par des avocats afin de jeter l’opprobre sans être accusé de diffamation. 

Mais ce qu’on sent surtout dans ces expressions, c’est une peur panique du monde réel. La peur de toucher la réalité des choses ou de « flatter le cul des vaches », aurait dit avec sa bonhomie habituelle l’ancien président Jacques Chirac. Il sera toujours plus rassurant de regarder le monde à travers un écran.

En France, on ne compte plus les formules qu’utilisent les médias pour ne pas nommer ces endroits que l’immigration de masse a transformés en ghettos. Les voilà qualifiés de « quartiers », de « cités », de « banlieues », de « périphérie », de « zone » ou de « territoire ». Que de créativité afin de dissimuler la réalité toute simple et d’éviter la critique.

Ce même désir de ne pas nommer le monde explique la soudaine recrudescence du mot « haine ». Il a notamment servi à dissimuler l’explosion, pourtant amplement documentée, de l’antisémitisme un peu partout dans le monde à la suite de l’attentat du 7 octobre contre Israël. La haine a beau être « l’hiver du coeur », disait Hugo, elle peut recouvrir tout et son contraire. Car il y a des haines légitimes. À commencer par celle de cette langue de bois, à la fois technocratique et idéologique, incomprise de la majorité, que nous assènent nos nouvelles élites à coup de « flexitariens », d’« écoanxiété », de « féminicides » et autres formules alambiquées.

« Ce que l’on conçoit bien s’énonce clairement, et les mots pour le dire arrivent aisément », disait Nicolas Boileau. Cette bataille des mots peut sembler insignifiante, elle est pourtant au coeur des combats d’aujourd’hui. Bonne année quand même.

Source: La peur des mots

Sullivan: Our Politics And The English Language: What would Orwell say about our debased discourse?

I also find it useful to re-read Orwell’s essay, and try to follow his general rules (leave readers to judge the extent to which I do). While he takes his arguments too far (e.g., on systemic racism), his fundamental point on the need for clarity and precision, and not “hiding” behind jargon, is valid:

From time to time, I make sure to re-read George Orwell’s classic essay, “Politics And The English Language.” It remains the best guide to writing non-fiction, and it usually prompts a wave of self-loathing even more piercing than my habitual kind. What it shows so brilliantly is how language itself is central to politics, that clarity is as hard as it is vital, and that blather is as lazy as it is dangerous. It’s dangerous because the relationship between our words and our politics goes both ways: “[The English language] becomes ugly and inaccurate because our thoughts are foolish, but the slovenliness of our language makes it easier for us to have foolish thoughts.” We create language and language creates us. If the language is corrupted, so are we. 

Near the end of the essay, Orwell lists a few rules to keep writing clear, accessible and meaningful:

i. Never use a metaphor, simile or other figure of speech which you are used to seeing in print.

ii. Never use a long word where a short one will do.

iii. If it is possible to cut a word out, always cut it out.

iv. Never use the passive where you can use the active.

v. Never use a foreign phrase, a scientific word or a jargon word if you can think of an everyday English equivalent.

vi. Break any of these rules sooner than say anything outright barbarous.

Originality, simplicity, brevity, active verbs, everyday language, decency: as simple as it is very, very hard. It’s a relief in a way to recall that Orwell thought things were pretty damn shitty in his day as well, but the more you read broadly across most elite media platforms these days, the more similar it all sounds. To reverse Orwell’s virtues: so much of it is repetition, complexity, length, passive verbs, endless jargon, barbarism. 

I was just reading about the panic that occurred in the American Medical Association, when their journal’s deputy editor argued on a podcast that socio-economic factors were more significant in poor outcomes for non-whites than “structural racism.” As you might imagine, any kind of questioning of this orthodoxy required the defenestration of the deputy editor and the resignation of the editor-in-chief. The episode was withdrawn from public viewing, and the top editor replaced it with a Maoist apology/confessionbefore he accepted his own fate. 

But I was most struck by the statement put out in response by a group called “The Institute for Antiracism in Medicine.” Here it is:

“The podcast and associated promotional message are extremely problematic for minoritized members of our medical community. Racism was created with intention and must therefore be undone with intention. Structural racism has deeply permeated the field of medicine and must be actively dissolved through proper antiracist education and purposeful equitable policy creation. The delivery of messages suggesting that racism is non-existent and therefore non-problematic within the medical field is harmful to both our underrepresented minoritized physicians and the marginalized communities served in this country.”

Consider the language for a moment. I don’t want to single out this group — they are merely representative of countless others, all engaged in the recitation of certain doctrines, and I just want an example. But I do want to say that this paragraph is effectively dead, drained of almost any meaning, nailed to the perch of pious pabulum. It is prose, in Orwell’s words, that “consists less and less of words chosen for the sake of their meaning, and more and more of phrases tacked together like the sections of a prefabricated hen-house.” 

It is chock-full of long, compounded nouns and adjectives, riddled with the passive voice, lurching and leaning, like a passenger walking the aisle on a moving train, on pre-packaged phrases to keep itself going.

Notice the unnecessary longevity: a tweet becomes an “associated promotional message.” Notice the deadness of the neologisms: “minoritized”, “marginalized”, “non-problematic”. As Orwell noted: “the normal way of coining a new word is to use a Latin or Greek root with the appropriate affix and, where necessary, the -ize formation. It is often easier to make up words of this kind (deregionalizeimpermissibleextramaritalnon-fragmentatoryand so forth) than to think up the English words that will cover one’s meaning.” Go back and see if you can put the words “minoritized” or “non-problematic” into everyday English.

Part of the goal of this is political, of course. The more you repeat words like “proper antiracist education” or “systemic racism” or “racial inequity” or “lived experience” or “heteronormativity,” the more they become part of the landscape of words, designed to dull one’s curiosity about what on earth any of them can possible mean. A mass of ideological abstractions, in Orwell’s words, “falls upon the facts like soft snow, blurring the outlines and covering up all the details.”

Then this: “Racism was created with intention.” Abstract noun, passive voice, vague meaning. Who “created” it? What was the intention exactly? Hasn’t racist tribalism been a feature of human society for tens of thousands of years? They never say. Or this phrase: “purposeful equitable policy creation.” Again: what are they talking about? It is as vague as “doing the work” — and as deliberate as the use of a highly contested term like “structural racism” to define objective reality. These are phrases not designed to say anything real. They are phrases designed to send a message of orthodoxy, and, as Orwell also noted, “orthodoxy, of whatever colour, seems to demand a lifeless, imitative style.” Try reading Slate or Vox or the Huffington Post: the tedium you feel is the tedium of a language rendered lifeless by ideology.

I caught a glimpse of Ibram X. Kendi’s recent appearance at the Aspen Ideas Festival, the annual woke, oxygen-deprived hajj for the left-media elites. He was asked to define racism — something you’d think he’d have thought a bit about. This was his response: “Racism is a collection of racist policies that lead to racial inequity that are substantiated by racist ideas.” He does this a lot. He repeats Yoda-stye formulae: “There is no such thing as a nonracist or race-neutral policy … If discrimination is creating equity, then it is antiracist. If discrimination is creating inequity, then it is racist.” These maxims pepper his tomes like deep thoughts in a self-help book. When he proposes specific action to counter racism, for example, he suggests: “Deploy antiracist power to compel or drive from power the unsympathetic racist policymakers in order to institute the antiracist policy.” “Always vote for the leftist” is a bit blunter.

Orwell had Kendi’s number: “The appropriate noises are coming out of his larynx, but his brain is not involved as it would be if he were choosing his words for himself. If the speech he is making is one that he is accustomed to make over and over again, he may be almost unconscious of what he is saying, as one is when one utters the responses in church. And this reduced state of consciousness, if not indispensable, is at any rate favourable to political conformity.” And that conformity is proven by the gawking, moneyed, largely white, Atlantic subscribers hanging on every one of this lightweight’s meaningless words — as if they really were in church.

The most dedicated abusers of the English language, of course, are the alphabet people. They have long since abandoned any pretense at speaking English and instead bombard us with new words: “cisheteropatriarchy”, “homonormativity”, “fraysexuality”, “neutrois”, “transmasculine”, “transmisogynoir”, and on and on. To give you a sense of the completely abstract bullshit involved here, take a style guide given out to journalists by trans activists, instructing them on how to cover transgender questions. (I’m wondering how Orwell would respond if given such a sheet of words he can and cannot use. Let’s just say: not like reporters for the Washington Post.) Here’s the guide’s definition of “gender nonconforming”: “[it] refers to gender presentations outside typical gendered expectations. Note that gender nonconforming is not a synonym for non-binary. While many non-binary people are gender nonconforming, many gender nonconforming people are also cisgender.”

This is a kind of bewildering, private language. But the whole point of the guide is to make it our public language, to force other people to use these invented words, to make the entire society learn and repeat the equivalent of their own post-modern sanskrit. This is our contemporary version of what Orwell went on to describe as “newspeak” in Nineteen Eighty-Four: a vocabulary designed to make certain ideas literally unthinkable because woke language has banished them from use. Repeat the words “structural racism” and “white supremacy” and “cisheteropatriarchy” often enough, and people come to believe these things exist unquestioningly. Talk about the LGBTQIA2S+ community and eventually, people will believe it exists (spoiler alert: it doesn’t).

And that is the only recourse an average citizen has when buried by this avalanche of abstraction: ask the language-launderers what they are really talking about. When some doofus apologizes for the “terrible pain” they have caused to the whatever community, ask them to give a specific example of that “pain.” When someone says “structural racism,” ask: what actual “structures” are you referring to? How do they actually work? Give concrete examples. 

When someone calls American society “white supremacy”, ask them how you could show that America is not a form of “white supremacy”. When someone uses the word “Latinx”, ask them which country does that refer to. When someone says something is “problematic”, ask them to whom? When you’re told you’re meeting with members of the BIPOC or AANHPI communities, ask them first to translate and then why this is in any way relevant, and why every single member of those communities are expected to have the same opinion. And when you’re told that today is IDAHOBIT Day, ask them if you can speak to Frodo.

Yes, some humor is key to fighting back. But the core truth is: we do not have to speak this debased and decadent language. It is designed to overwhelm and confuse and smother and subdue. And the more it is used by elites, the more normal Americans, still living in the real world, feel utterly alienated by their masters, and the deeper our divide goes. Reclaiming our discourse from these ideological contraptions will make our writing better. It will help us think more clearly. And it could help re-start a genuinely national conversation. In everyday English, the language of democracy.

Source: https://andrewsullivan.substack.com/p/our-politics-and-the-english-language-8be?token=eyJ1c2VyX2lkIjoxMDcxOTUwNywicG9zdF9pZCI6MzcxNDEzOTAsIl8iOiJ3SVY5SCIsImlhdCI6MTYyMjk2ODAzMywiZXhwIjoxNjIyOTcxNjMzLCJpc3MiOiJwdWItNjEzNzEiLCJzdWIiOiJwb3N0LXJlYWN0aW9uIn0.57ZGzCTaBuXUq20SFD6jlwqwc0GY6FMUnpidhMqIqjI

When Picasso and Orwell Went After Tyrants and Risked It All

Good reminder:

This is a story about truth and how, against all the odds, it can be discerned and defended against liars through individual acts of courage and genius. It is a story for all time and particularly our time, when totalitarianism bludgeons the truth tellers with renewed support.

Pablo Picasso and George Orwell never met. But each of them, reaching the heights of their powers, looked at the same events in the same place at the same time, 80 years ago, and used their art to expose the true face of totalitarianism. At the time they were vilified for doing so.

Picasso produced his huge and wrenching masterpiece, Guernica, named for the northern Spanish city that was the first European city to be carpet-bombed. Orwell produced Homage to Catalonia, his gimlet-eyed record of fighting in the Spanish Civil War in which he nearly died.

Spain, Orwell discovered, “was a pawn in an enormous struggle that was being fought out between two political theories.” He fought with the republican government forces against the fascists but in the course of several battles realized that the republicans were being manipulated by Moscow and that “the Communists stood not upon the extreme Left but upon the extreme Right.”

The error—made by many thousands of European and American volunteers fighting with the republicans—was to believe that the forces opposing Generalissimo Franco’s fascists were naturally on the side of the angels simply because they were anti-fascist. As Orwell himself was swiftly disabused of this idea he came to the core revelation of his political life—that the true evil was totalitarianism, no matter what uniform it wore or what language it spoke.

Eventually that revelation shaped his two literary masterpieces, Animal Farm and 1984.However, the most immediate and personal result was that Orwell, in Homage To Catalonia,had delivered a message that nobody wanted to hear. In London his old socialist friends disowned him. Many of them were in thrall to Moscow’s utopian propaganda that the struggle in Spain was for universal liberty, rather than the slavery that Stalin had in mind.

Picasso was in a different kind of trap. When Guernica was exhibited in the U.S. the American Right labeled it “Bolshevist art controlled by the hand of Moscow.”  In fact, Picasso did not join the French Communist Party until 1944, when Paris was liberated from the Nazis. Political theory had nothing to do with the raging art that drove Guernica.

On the afternoon of April 27, 1937, successive waves of German and Italian bombers dropped a combination of bombs on Guernica carefully designed to kill, maim and terrorize the civilian population—they included fragmentation bombs that eviscerated people and incendiaries burning at 2,500 degrees centigrade that turned the city into a fireball. People who fled into the hills were strafed with machine guns. More than 1,600 people died and nearly 1,000 more were injured.

Seen in the perspective of what followed, Guernica was a calculated forewarning to the world that total war now included the mass slaughter of civilians. Picasso’s canvas was more than 25 feet wide and eight feet deep. Within this space every figure—including a bull, a horse, a mother with a dead child, was eviscerated. Limbs, fingers, skulls interlocked in a gruesome dance of death. What Picasso took from the atrocity was intensely personal: the people of his native country had become the cannon fodder of a new order in Spain. Franco, abetted by Hitler and Mussolini, would rule by terror.

Guernica was exhibited in London before being shipped to the US. Critics were divided. As a commentary on war some ranked it with Goya’s rending account of the savagery of the Napoleonic wars. But the hand of ideology also surfaced. The critic Anthony Blunt called the painting “hopelessly obscure, its meaning elusive.” Unknown to anyone then, Blunt was a Soviet sleeper agent, unmasked only in 1979 as the long-sought Fourth Man in an espionage ring—his rejection of Guernica was the Stalinist party line conveyed as aesthetic distaste.

Source: When Picasso and Orwell Went After Tyrants and Risked It All

Why Orwell Still Matters – De-radicalization Example

On the enduring importance of Orwell:

Maajid Nawaz, however, claims a different Orwell novel – Animal Farm – led him away from radical Islam:

It was while in prison, surrounded by several prominent jihadist leaders, that Nawaz realized he wanted to take a different path. He was reading George Orwell’s Animal Farm and came to a new understanding of “what happens when somebody tries to create a utopia.”

“I began to join the dots and think, ‘My god, if these guys that I’m here with ever came to power, they would be the Islamist equivalent of Animal Farm,” Nawaz says. He says he began to see that it’s “impossible to create a utopia.”

“I’m living up close and seeing [the radicals’] everyday habits and lifestyle, I thought, ‘My god, I wouldn’t trust these guys in power,’ because when I called it, back then, and said, ‘If this caliphate, this theocratic caliphate, was ever established, it would be a nightmare on earth,’” Nawaz says.

Why Orwell Still Matters « The Dish.

Robert Cushman: No, the feminists didn’t ruin English

For those interested in language, writing and debates over feminism, good piece, if a bit meandering, by Robert Cushman, taking down the arguments of David Gelernter on the use of he or she and equivalents, starting with yet another good Orwell quote:

George Orwell, another model author, once compiled his own list of rules for good clear writing; it culminated in the admonition to break any of his preceding instructions “rather than write something outright barbarous.” Which means that these things have to be approached case by case, to be judged by the eye and especially the ear.

I can’t understand, for example, why Gelernter should object to “firefighter” replacing “fireman”; it may have an extra syllable, but it’s still a more active and descriptive word.

Well, no, I can understand; he thinks that the change is the result of caving in to those New Feminists. For him, as for others, feminism is a word applied to anything that its employer dislikes or feels threatened by, a sort of all-purpose Bogeyman. (Or should that be Bogeywoman? The professor certainly wouldn’t countenance Bogeyperson; and neither, for the record, would I.) I can’t see why a female member of a fire brigade should put up with being referred to as a fire man. And neither side would welcome ”firewoman,” which just sounds silly (though “policewoman,” for whatever reason, doesn’t).

…. It’s likely true that students today enter university less equipped to write well than were their predecessors. But that isn’t the fault of feminism. It’s because both English language and English literature are taught less, and possibly less well, than they used to be; and because of the pervasive sloppiness of communication that underlies the abuses I noted in my opening paragraphs, none of which have anything to do with gender.

Gelernter puts it all down to “ideology,” another of those words that merely means something that its user disagrees with. It’s like “elite,” a term that the Left used to hurl at the Right, that the Right now throws at the Left, and that is equally meaningless either way. He begins his article by inveighing against the words “chairperson” and “humankind.” I think that the first is an abomination and the second quite unobjectionable, and my reasons in both cases are aesthetic, not ideological.

It’s true, as Gelernter says, that what any writer agonizes over while actually writing is where the next word is coming from. But those words aren’t chosen in a vacuum; they’re the expression of whatever idea the writer is trying to convey: of, if you insist, his ideology.

Yes, I said his ideology. Because, judging from this article, Professor Gelernter is quite the ideologue himself.

Robert Cushman: No, the feminists didn’t ruin English

George Orwell on Writing, How to Counter the Mindless Momentum of Language, and the Four Questions a Great Writer Must Ask Herself | Brain Pickings

Always worthwhile reading Orwell on writing now and then, and realize just how much of our discourse suffers from the flaws he so cuttingly points out. Good excerpts from Brain Pickings:

A scrupulous writer, in every sentence that he writes, will ask himself at least four questions, thus: What am I trying to say? What words will express it? What image or idiom will make it clearer? Is this image fresh enough to have an effect? And he will probably ask himself two more: Could I put it more shortly? Have I said anything that is avoidably ugly?

But you are not obliged to go to all this trouble. You can shirk it by simply throwing your mind open and letting the ready made phrases come crowding in. They will construct your sentences for you — even think your thoughts for you, to certain extent — and at need they will perform the important service of partially concealing your meaning even yourself.

Shirking is easy, asking these questions and applying them, is not.

“Constant vigilance!”

George Orwell on Writing, How to Counter the Mindless Momentum of Language, and the Four Questions a Great Writer Must Ask Herself | Brain Pickings.