Walmart Rolls Back Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Efforts After Conservative Backlash

Trend likely to accelerate under Trump beyond curbing some of the excesses:

Walmart, the world’s largest retailer, is rolling back its diversity, equity and inclusion policies, joining a growing list of major corporations that have done the same after coming under attack by conservative activists.

The changes, confirmed by Walmart on Monday, are sweeping and include everything from not renewing a five-year commitment for an equity racial center set up in 2020 after the police killing of George Floyd, to pulling out of a prominent gay rights index. And when it comes to race or gender, Walmart won’t be giving priority treatment to suppliers.

Walmart’s moves underscore the increasing pressure faced by corporate America as it continues to navigate the fallout from the U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling in June 2023 ending affirmative action in college admissions. Emboldened by that decision, conservative groups have filed lawsuits making similar arguments about corporations, targeting workplace initiatives such as diversity programs and hiring practices that prioritize historically marginalized groups.

Separately, conservative political commentator and activist Robby Starbuck has been going after corporate DEI policies, calling out individual companies on the social media platform X. Several of those companies have subsequently announced that they are pulling back their initiatives, including Ford, Harley-Davidson, Lowe’s and Tractor Supply.

But Walmart, which employs 1.6 million workers in the U.S., is the largest one to do so.

“This is the biggest win yet for our movement to end wokeness in corporate America,” Starbuck wrote on X, adding that he had been in conversation with Walmart.

Walmart confirmed to the Associated Press that it will better monitor its third-party marketplace items to make sure they don’t feature sexual and transgender products aimed at minors. That would include chest binders intended for youth who are going through a gender change, the company said.

The Bentonville, Arkansas-based retailer will also be reviewing grants to Pride events to make sure it is not financially supporting sexualized content that may be unsuitable for kids. For example, the company wants to makes sure a family pavilion is not next to a drag show at a Pride event, the company said.

Additionally, Walmart will no longer consider race and gender as a litmus test to improve diversity when it offers supplier contracts. The company said it didn’t have quotas and will not do so going forward. It won’t be gathering demographic data when determining financing eligibility for those grants.

Walmart also said it wouldn’t renew a racial equity center that was established through a five-year, $100 million philanthropic commitment from the company with a mandate to, according to its website, “address the root causes of gaps in outcomes experienced by Black and African American people in education, health, finance and criminal justice systems.”

And it would stop participating in the Human Rights Campaign’s annual benchmark index that measures workplace inclusion for LGBTQ+ employees.

“We’ve been on a journey and know we aren’t perfect, but every decision comes from a place of wanting to foster a sense of belonging, to open doors to opportunities for all our associates, customers and suppliers and to be a Walmart for everyone,” the company said in a statement.

Source: Walmart Rolls Back Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Efforts After Conservative Backlash

‘We can’t cry about the milk that’s spilled’: As DE&I fallout continues, multicultural agencies grapple with changes

Of note:

Brands like Ford Motors, John Deere and Molson Coors, among others, have reversed course on their diversity, equity and inclusion commitments. The shift is leaving multicultural and diverse-owned agencies grappling with the fallout.

With a polarizing presidential election coming to a head tomorrow, hot-button issues like reproductive rights and affirmative action are now front and center. Over the past year, brands like Target and Bud Light have faced backlash for marketing campaigns and other work deemed woke. Since then, some brands have been increasingly steering clear of the so-called culture wars, quietly walking back DE&I commitments made in the post-George Floyd murder era. 

Notably, consumer spending has slowed and marketing budgets are facing constraints as economic uncertainty looms, making it easier for brands to make the case to divest from diversity efforts. Meaning, walking back the commitment is more a result of the need to tighten belts rather than a push to upend diversity initiatives, industry experts say.

That reversal has left multicultural and diverse-owned agencies dealing with the about-face from the boom seen at the height of the Black Lives Matter movement and subsequent DE&I commitments.

“It has definitely affected us,” said Dawn Wade, managing partner and chief strategy officer at NIMBUS, a Black-owned marketing agency. “We have many customers or clients who their DEI budgets were just completely cut.” In some instances, Wade added, diversity initiatives were axed, shifting dollars toward general marketing initiatives. It’s a stark comparison to 2020, when “phones were ringing off the hook,” she said, noting the agency had to turn work down to avoid onboarding too many clients at once, thus overloading the business. The agency has maintained around 20 clients since 2020. 

Recently, the agency lost a client whose diversity budget was completely slashed, she said. Meanwhile, some other clients have been in limbo, trying to find workarounds in light of DE&I budget cuts. (Wade did not offer the names of specific clients or budget figures.) 

Other multicultural marketers tell a similar story, noting the pendulum of brands’ commitment to diversity now swinging toward divestment out of fear of the so-called culture wars. At BGD Media, a multicultural and independently-owned marketing agency, potential clients have recently put conversations around working together on hold until 2025, said Latoya Bond, CMO of BGD Media. 

Source: ‘We can’t cry about the milk that’s spilled’: As DE&I fallout continues, multicultural agencies grapple with changes

Medical journal ‘equity’ audit ignores Jewish doctors, medical professionals

Of note. While historically somewhat understandable, tone deaf in the current context:

Glaring omissions in an equity audit from Canada’s leading peer-reviewed medical journal are causing concern amongst Jewish medical professionals. 

Published in June by the Canadian Medical Association Journal (CMAJ,) the external audit was meant to improve the publication’s diversity efforts, but instead the authors chose to focus almost exclusively on Black, Muslim and Indigenous issues — without once mentioning the explosion of antisemitism impacting Jewish physicians and medical students.

“In 2022 the CMAJ editor-in-chief commissioned an independent audit of CMAJ’s culture and processes in support of developing a strategy to address issues related to antiracism, equity, diversity and inclusion (AEDI,)” read an excerpt from the report’s webpage. 

Among the report’s recommendations are developing a “learning framework around historical systemic oppression and racism in the health sector with a focus on anti-Black racism, anti-Indigenous Racism and Islamophobia for CMAJ staff and editorial teams.”

But completely absent from the report was any mention of struggles faced by Jewish medical professionals, who — especially after last year’s Oct. 7 Hamas terror attacks — face daily discrimination and harassment, particularly those in medical school….

Source: Medical journal ‘equity’ audit ignores Jewish doctors, medical professionals

MacDougall: Public servants must focus on action, not on pretending to act

Suspect that one of the first things the public service will need to cut is DEI training given Conservative MP views, considerable commentary on excesses as per the example below, and virtually cost-free politically, with some minor cost savings. The last sentence is particularly graphic:

…It is, then, exquisite timing that, at the same time Transport Canada is moving toward the announcement of high-speed rail, its senior leadership at the deputy minister level is staging a farce around mandated sessions on Indigenous reconciliation, as chronicled on the social media site X.com by journalist Jonathan Kay and confirmed by a contact who works in the department.

To cut a long story short, the planned sessions on reconciliation didn’t go according to plan when some of the public servants began challenging the outside speaker’s materials. Now there is sustained effort at a senior level to ensure the orthodoxy is respected/enforced, with the threat of punishment for those who challenged said orthodoxy. The beatings at TC will clearly continue until morale improves.

Which brings it back to focus. There is already a day when the public service has time off to reflect/learn about this worthy subject matter. Why not offer the programming then and let people get on with their actual jobs? Especially when the message from the taxpayer is to do exactly that.

Remember, the hangman is coming.

Source: MacDougall: Public servants must focus on action, not on pretending to act

Silveira: DEI Without the Dogma

Overly long read but the final paragraphs provide an alternative to some of the more extreme DEI approaches of some consultants and organizations. I have had experience with both approaches in some management training and found that I benefited from both:

…Marxism appealed to me when I was young, as it does to many young people, because it presented a simple good-versus-evil template to explain the injustices of the world. But humanity is more complex than that. And my political science professor was correct when he told me that we shouldn’t rely on rigid paradigms to make sense of the world and categorise the moral value of fellow humans.

This is a lesson I’d ask DEI instructors to reflect on. If social justice is the goal, employing divisive, shaming tactics aimed at exorcising sinful thoughts from the proletariat masses is self-defeating. Instead, we should see ourselves as coaches who simply help individuals behave respectfully and collaboratively in their workplaces. Otherwise—if I may adapt my old Marxist jargon—it’s only a matter of time before our industry is dismissed as an opiate of the elites, and swept into the dustbin of industry.

Source: DEI Without the Dogma

Harry Rakowski: Increasing diversity in medicine is important. TMU is doing it the wrong way

Thoughtful critique and discussion of options:

…TMU wrongly thinks it will level the playing field for students from low-income families. But it does not yet have the funded scholarships for students in need that other universities have. The University of Toronto has the philosophy of helping students find resources. Its admissions policy looks for the best and the brightest yet tries to increase diversity through special streams and increased financial support. It does this without sacrificing quality. It also rewards commitment to advocacy as expressed through community service, leadership skills and academic productivity including publications. TMU doesn’t appear to care much for any of these important qualities.

What do we need in a medical school?

We need effective strategies to improve health outcomes by dealing with unmet needs, and increasing efficiency and innovation of care delivery.  Our current health-care system usually doesn’t deliver on availability and also doesn’t adequately address mental health issues and the need for greater prevention of disease. We lack innovative strategies to improve access and to reduce disease burden and its costly care. We need to modernize the medical curriculum to refocus on these needs and incorporate innovations in learning methods and the use of AI to guide decision-making…

Source: Harry Rakowski: Increasing diversity in medicine is important. TMU is doing it the wrong way

McWhorter: Harvard, Brown and Other Top Schools Are Thinking About Black Freshmen the Wrong Way

Interesting suggestion on how to interpret the numbers:

Several highly selective universities have recently reported that in their first freshman classes admitted after the Supreme Court banned racial preferences in admissions, the number of Black and Latino students has fallen.

The percentage of Black freshman at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, for instance, declined from 15 percent last fall to 5 percent for this fall. At Amherst College the number fell from 11 percent to 3 percent. Other schools have reported less precipitous but still noticeable drops, such as from 18 percent to 14 percent at Harvard, 10.5 percent to 7.8 percent at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill — a taxpayer-supported public university in a state where 23 percent of the population is Black — and 15 percent to 9 percent at Brown University, a school that has spent considerable energy looking at its early ties to the slave trade. Yale and Princeton held relatively steady, but an overall trend is clear.

The conventional wisdom is that this is alarming, but I’m not seeing it that way. We are trained to regard news on racial preferences in a way that makes us see tragedy where, through different glasses, we might just see change.

A first question to ask: Will Black students who weren’t admitted be OK? There is every reason to suppose so. Racial preferences were banned for the University of California in 1996, and the way critics discussed it back then, one would almost have thought that the highly selective U.C. Berkeley and U.C.L.A. were the only campuses in the entire university system. I taught at Berkeley at the time, and some young Black filmmakers had me audition (long story) for a film about a fictional Black teenager who was so devastated by being denied admission because of the new rules that he took his own life in despair.

In real life it was hard to see tragedy in a Black student having to go instead to one of the many other excellent options, like U.C. Davis and U.C. Santa Cruz. As regards that student’s future success, time has borne out that intuition. A study by the Berkeley economist Zachary Bleemer found that the ban had no effect on the post-college wages of Black applicants to University of California schools. (There was, however, a differential for Latinos, an effect that was difficult to explain.)

A second question to ask is whether the universities themselves are OK. There seems to be an assumption that they suffer if Black students are represented at less than our 14 percent presence in the population. But it is difficult to specify just what that assumption is based on.

For example, at Brown, almost one in 10 freshmen is Black (and that doesn’t count applicants who did not specify their race). Black America has suffered too much genuine tragedy for it to be considered ominous that “only” one in 10 students in a matriculating class at an Ivy League school is Black.

Nevertheless we are told to bemoan the decrease in general diversity. But wait — how many Black students do the white ones need in order to get an acceptable dose of diversity? The same question applies to whether Black students will feel there are enough people who look like them to feel at home at the school. I would think that at Chapel Hill, for example, 7.8 percent — about one in 12 freshmen — is enough to build a healthy community.

Plus, there is no real evidence that diversity enhances a good college education. No reasonable person is seeking lily-white campuses. But the idea that diversity means, specifically, better learning has turned out to be difficult to prove. Terrance Sandalow and others observe that what are considered Black views — on topics like police conduct or the availability of quality schooling — are as likely to be aired by non-Black students as by Black ones (a good thing, by the way).

The 1999 report by the psychologist Patricia Gurin, which is often cited as demonstrating that diversity improves college education, was based on students self-reporting vague, self-congratulatory qualities such as whether they came out of college with a drive to achieve or with a sense of satisfaction with their college work. Nor is there much proven benefit post-graduation: This spring, a meta-analysis of 615 studies has shown that workplace diversity does not substantially enhance team performance and cooperation.

There is, however, one other argument for giving extra points to Black applicants. Despite the California data I mentioned, nationwide it is true that going to an Ivy League school rather than a solid non-Ivy increases lifelong earnings, as well as the chance of attending graduate school or getting a job at a top-ranked law firm.

But that one advantage is not worth the endless dissonance that racial preferences in admissions would continue to create, whether we liked it or not.

There would always have been a sense among many non-Black students (and even professors) that many Black applicants got in for different reasons than white and Asian applicants did.

Asian families would always have felt they were evaluated more stringently than Black students, as was clearly shown to be the case at Harvard. This feeling would have persisted especially because they, too, are part of minority groups that experience racism.

Eliminating both Black students’ stigma and Asian students’ sense of foul play is more important than closing any gap in future earnings, which in any case hardly indicates that Black students outside of the Ivies are relegated to washing cars for a living. Admissions preferences intended to promote socio-economic rather than just racial diversity would encounter much less pushback and confusion.

Here’s a proposal, radical though it may (unfortunately) seem: Colleges should be very happy with the new numbers. Brown, for example, should be saying, “Hey look — even without that outdated and condescending Blackness bonus, we’re still at 9 percent!” Getting into an elite college is hard, and we should celebrate Black applicants pulling it off in such high numbers, even if they don’t happen to fall precisely at 14 percent. We are taught that on race, professional pessimism is enlightened. I don’t get it.

Source: Harvard, Brown and Other Top Schools Are Thinking About Black Freshmen the Wrong Way

Gee: High-ranking Toronto cop who cheated in the name of equity received too light a penalty 

Undermines trust and efforts to improve representation:

…Even if she did not act for personal gain, the adjudicator said, her conduct fell “far below the standard expected of a police officer.” Ms. Clarke effectively admitted as much when she pleaded guilty last fall to a series of violations of the Police Services Act, among them discreditable conduct and breach of confidence.

She is lucky she was not dismissed from the force altogether. That she will be allowed to continue in the senior role of inspector is difficult to understand.

Police, quite obviously, exist to enforce the rules. When they themselves break those rules, however pure their motives, it undermines public confidence that the law will be applied fairly and evenly. That takes us into dangerous waters. If people start doubting the police, they are less likely to report crime and more likely to take justice into their own hands.

Those who campaign for racial justice know this better than anyone. It is strange to see some of them making a hero of Ms. Clarke.

Source: High-ranking Toronto cop who cheated in the name of equity received too light a penalty

Brest and Levine: D.E.I. Is Not Working on College Campuses. We Need a New Approach.

Good thoughtful discussion:

With colleges and universities beginning a new academic year, we can expect more contentious debate over programs that promote diversity, equity and inclusion. Progressives are doubling down on programs that teach students that they are either oppressed peoples or oppressors, while red states are closing campus D.E.I. programs altogether.

For all of the complaints, some of these programs most likely serve the important goal of ensuring that all students are valued and engaged participants in their academic communities. But we fear that many other programs are too ideological, exacerbate the very problems they intend to solve and are incompatible with higher education’s longstanding mission of cultivating critical thinking. We propose an alternative: a pluralist-based approach to D.E.I. that would provide students with the self-confidence, mind-sets and skills to engage with challenging social and political issues.

Like many other universities, our university, Stanford, experienced a rise in antisemitic incidents after the Hamas attack on Israel on Oct. 7 and Israel’s response. We were appointed to the university’s Subcommittee on Antisemitism and Anti-Israeli Bias, which was charged with assessing the nature and scope of the problem and making recommendations. The upshot of hearing from over 300 people in 50 listening sessions is that many Jews and Israelis have experienced bias and feel insecure on our campus.

A parallel committee formed to address anti-Muslim, Arab and Palestinian bias reached similar conclusions for those groups.

These findings are discouraging, given that institutions of higher learning have spent several decades and vast sums of money establishing institutional infrastructures to promote diversity, equity and inclusion. Discouraging, but not surprising — because our inquiries revealed how exclusionary and counterproductive some of these programs can be.

Our committee was pressed by many of those we interviewed to recommend adding Jews and Israelis to the identities currently recognized by Stanford’s D.E.I. programs so their harms would be treated with the same concern as those of people of color and L.G.B.T.Q.+ people, who are regarded as historically oppressed. This move would be required of many California colleges and universities under a measure moving through the California Legislature. But subsuming new groups into the traditional D.E.I. regime would only reinforce a flawed system.

D.E.I. training originated in the corporate world of the 1960s and migrated to universities in subsequent decades, initially to rectify the underrepresentation of minority groups and then to mitigate the tensions associated with more diverse populations. In recent years, the goals of diversity and inclusion have become the bête noire of the political right, in part to avoid reckoning with our nation’s history of slavery and discrimination in ways that might cause, as some state laws have put it, “discomfort, guilt or anguish.” We do not share this view. We believe that fostering a sense of belonging among students of diverse backgrounds is a precondition for educational success. That said, many D.E.I. training programs actually subvert their institutions’ educational missions.

Here’s why. A major purpose of higher education is to teach students the skill of critical inquiry, which the philosopher and educator John Dewey described as “the active, persistent, and careful consideration of any belief or supposed form of knowledge in the light of the grounds that support it.” Conscientious faculty members teaching about race and gender require their students to critically consider differing views of the status and history of people of color, women and L.G.B.T.Q.+ people. Teaching critical thinking about any topic is challenging and humbling work.

While issues of diversity, equity and inclusion are sometimes addressed in rigorous classroom courses, university-based D.E.I. programs tend to come in two basic forms: online or off-the-shelf trainings that are more suitable for airline safety briefings than exploring the complexities of interracial relations, and ideological workshops that inculcate theories of social justice as if there were no plausible alternatives. The Intergroup Dialogue, developed at the University of Michigan and used on many campuses around the country, “assist[s] participants in exploring issues of power, privilege, conflict and oppression.” The program’s success is measured by students’ acknowledgment of pervasive discrimination and their attribution of inequalities to structural causes, such as deeply rooted government policies.

D.E.I. programs often assign participants to identity categories based on rigid distinctions. In a D.E.I. training program at Stanford a few years ago, Jewish staff members were assigned to a “whiteness accountability” group, and some later complained that they were shot down when they tried to raise concerns about antisemitism. The former D.E.I. director at a Bay Area community college described D.E.I. as based on the premises “that the world is divided into two groups of people: the oppressors and the oppressed.” She was also told by colleagues and campus leaders that “Jews are ‘white oppressors,’” and her task was to “decenter whiteness.”

Rather than correcting stereotypes, diversity training too often reinforces them and breeds resentment, impeding students’ social development. An excessive focus on identity can be just as harmfulas the pretense that identity doesn’t matter. Overall, these programs may undermine the very groups they seek to aid by instilling a victim mind-set and by pitting students against one another.

Research shows that all students feel excluded from academic communities at one point or another, no matter their backgrounds. The Stanford psychologists Geoffrey Cohen and Greg Walton have found that “belonging uncertainty”— the “state of mind in which one suffers from doubts about whether one is fully accepted in a particular environment or ever could be” — can afflict all of us. From our perspective, if one student is excluded, all students’ learning is diminished. Belonging is a foundation for the shared pursuit of knowledge and the preparation of students as citizens and leaders of a diverse society.

American campuses need an alternative to ideological D.E.I. programs. They need programs that foster a sense of belonging and engagement for students of diverse backgrounds, religious beliefs and political views without subverting their schools’ educational missions. Such programs should be based on a pluralistic vision of the university community combined with its commitments to academic freedom and critical inquiry.

An increasing number of educators are coming to this conclusion. Musa al-Gharbi, a sociologist at Stony Brook University, presents a holistic approach to diversity. Conflicting viewpoints must be “brought into conversation with one another in a constructive way — to form a picture that is more complete and reliable than we would have were we to look at only the dominant perspective or only at subaltern perspectives,” he has written. Danielle Allen, a professor of political philosophy, ethics, and public policy at Harvard, champions “confident pluralism,” in which we “honor our own values while making decisions together.” And the philosopher Susan Neiman invokes a tradition of universalism that allows for — indeed requires — empathy with others rather than a competition among sufferings. “If you don’t base solidarity on deep principles that you share, it’s not real solidarity,” she has said. The group Interfaith America, which promotes interfaith cooperation, has developed a comprehensive Bridging the Gap curriculum that offers a practical guide for discourse across differences.

At the core of pluralistic approaches are facilitated conversations among participants with diverse identities, religious beliefs and political ideologies, but without a predetermined list of favored identities or a preconceived framework of power, privilege and oppression. Students are taught the complementary skills of telling stories about their own identities, values and experiences and listening with curiosity and interest to the stories of others, acknowledging differences and looking for commonalities.

Success would be an academic community of equally respected learners who possess critical thinking skills and are actively engaged in navigating challenging questions throughout the curriculum — an approach that teaches students how to think rather than what to think.

Pluralism does not ignore identity or pervasive structural inequalities. Rather, it provides a framework in which identity is construed broadly and understood as a starting point for dialogue, rather than the basis for separation and fragmentation. It commits questions about the causes and persistence of inequalities to the classroom, where they can be examined through the critical, evidence-based methods at the root of a university education. Respecting the diverse perspectives of one’s fellows and adhering to norms such as active listening, humility and generosity enable classroom conversations about contentious social and political issues.

Nonprofit and religious leaders are translating these ideas into an emerging movement. A collaborative of philanthropic funders called New Pluralists is organizing and supporting groups that are putting pluralism into practice. Such efforts face headwinds both from conservatives who are suspicious of all efforts to foster inclusion and from groups that believe they benefit from the current system. And it will require heavy lifting by educators to work together with their students to create the preconditions for authentic critical engagement.

The current system is not good for Jews at Stanford and other universities. It’s not good for Muslims, either. And it’s certainly not good for society as a whole.

Paul Brest is former dean and professor emeritus at Stanford Law School. Emily J. Levine is associate professor of education and history at Stanford.

Source: D.E.I. Is Not Working on College Campuses. We Need a New Approach.

Polgreen: If Kamala Harris Is a D.E.I. Candidate, So Is JD Vance

Good reminder of the importance of class in DEI, so often forgotten:

…Personally, I think powerful institutions should value this kind of diversity. Over the course of my career I have hired and promoted many people, and diversity in the broadest sense has always been important to me. I have found that the best leaders I have worked with are eager to build teams from as wide a range of geographic, religious, class, ideological and, yes, racial and ethnic backgrounds as possible.

Kamala Harris and JD Vance, despite their political differences, have a few things in common. They were raised by tough, charismatic matriarchs. They both pursued legal careers. They both sought and won high elected office. They both come from backgrounds that are underrepresented in the halls of power. And now they are both engaged in the core work of politics — translating their stories into power. We would do well to ask why only one of these two remarkable Americans stands accused of getting where she is based on D.E.I. The answer, I fear, is written on their faces.

Source: If Kamala Harris Is a D.E.I. Candidate, So Is JD Vance