Musk’s A.I. tool has a hate problem

Not all that surprising, unfortunately:

Elon Musk’s artificial intelligence chatbot, Grok, has been spreading antisemitic conspiracies — including that Jews promote hatred toward white people and control Hollywood. It also praised Adolf Hitler.

The posts came days after Musk boasted that Grok had improved “significantly.”
How it works: “Chatbots like Grok are based on large language models that comb through massive databases of online content to produce written answers to questions or prompts based on common responses it finds,” explains our Arno Rosenfeld. “But their creators can also instruct the models to respond in specific ways.”

Context: Musk performed what appeared to be a Nazi salute during an inaugural rally for Trump, and followed the incident with a series of Holocaust jokes on X, the social media platform he owns. In response to the rise in antisemitic and hateful content, many major Jewish organizations have left the site.

Fallout: The Anti-Defamation League called the posts — some of which have now been deleted — “irresponsible, dangerous and antisemitic.”

Source: Musk’s A.I. tool has a hate problem

Ravet | Une laïcité antireligieuse est une mauvaise voie

Important nuanced take on laïcité:

Le Rassemblement pour la laïcité est bien connu pour ses positions à l’égard de la religion, qu’il classe d’emblée comme facteur d’endoctrinement, de division et de conflits sociaux. De sa part, on sait toujours à quoi s’attendre de la religion, quelle qu’elle soit. Et le portait n’est guère reluisant. Se nourrissant exclusivement de ses pires expressions, il milite pour interdire toutes manifestations religieuses dans l’espace public au nom de la laïcité. Car selon sa conception de la laïcité, et la neutralité dont elle se réclame, tout ce qui relève du religieux devrait être refoulé le plus possible dans la sphère intime pour neutraliser les effets potentiellement néfastes sur la société.

Mais contrairement à ce qui est affirmé, la « laïcité » ainsi comprise n’est pas neutre à l’égard des religions, elle est farouchement contre. Les croyants sont d’emblée posés comme « objets » de la laïcité, jamais comme sujets, ni acteurs. Comment le pourraient-ils puisqu’ils sont la cible de ladite laïcité et que tout signe de croyance serait en soi signe de prosélytisme, d’embrigadement ou d’obscurantisme ?

Or, la laïcité n’est pas la propriété des non-croyants sauf à en faire une idéologie antireligieuse. Au nom du vivre ensemble et du bien commun, elle est une part commune à tous les citoyens, croyants et non croyants, nous renvoyant à notre humanité commune que nous sommes tous appelés à approfondir, à faire croître dans la part du monde qui nous est donnée. Les religions ont leur part à jouer.

L’article publié par huit membres du Rassemblement pour la laïcité (« Une réflexion sur la laïcité dans les cégeps s’impose », dans Le Devoir du 2 juillet) est symptomatique de cette orientation idéologique de la laïcité conçue au détriment de la religion et des croyants. Les auteurs peuvent ainsi affirmer sans justification à l’appui, comme si cela allait de soi, que « si la culture, ou même la politique, est bien au cœur de la vitalité académique des cégeps, il n’en va pas de même de la religion qui relève de croyances et facilite le cloisonnement communautaire ».

Cette affirmation sans nuances est éminemment réductrice puisqu’elle ne retient de la religion que ses manifestations sectaires. On pourrait, par ce même procédé, dénigrer tout autant la culture et la politique — qui relèvent aussi de croyances partagées, ce que feignent d’ignorer les auteurs — en ne retenant de celles-ci que leurs expressions fanatiques et sectaires. Cependant, s’il est possible de le faire aussi cavalièrement avec le religieux, c’est que s’impose de plus en plus une représentation sociale de la religion qui va dans cette direction.

Une réalité complexe

Le rapport d’enquête sur les cégeps Dawson et Vanier en est un bel exemple, qui reproduit les mêmes affirmations sans prendre le soin d’en donner les raisons, en ne citant qu’un article du Regroupement pour la laïcité sur un cégep et en ignorant un rapport de trois chercheurs universitaires portant sur 10 cégeps et 10 universités beaucoup plus nuancé. C’est inquiétant. Car on s’empêche ainsi de penser une réalité complexe qui a ses racines dans une part importante de la population.

Les médias ont d’ailleurs leur part de responsabilité dans ce phénomène en ne parlant généralement de la religion qu’en rapport à ses manifestations négatives, dogmatiques ou sectaires. Ce faisant, on ne se rend pas compte qu’on est en train de construire une société qui marginalise et invisibilise les « personnes concrètes » qui trouvent dans la religion une voie privilégiée d’humanisation — car elles n’ont pas droit de cité : cachez ce que vous êtes, car vous menacez le vivre ensemble. Un tel bannissement, en plus de favoriser le fanatisme religieux, qui se trouve conforté par cette exclusion sociale, peut faire obstacle à l’inculturation et à l’engagement citoyen de nouveaux arrivants qui proviennent de sociétés qui n’ont pas ce regard entièrement négatif du religieux et qui se sentent « dévalorisés » dans leur être même.

Comme rédacteur en chef de la défunte revue Relations, dans laquelle croyants et incroyants, ou « autrement-croyants », selon le mot heureux de Michel de Certeau, œuvraient conjointement pour une société juste, j’ai toujours plaidé pour ma part en faveur d’une compréhension de la laïcité qui n’est pas fondée sur l’invisibilisation des religions et des croyants, ni encore moins leur rejet, menant à faire de la laïcité une « religion dominante ». Le principe de neutralité religieuse propre à la laïcité ne vise pas à ignorer les religions, mais, au contraire, à accueillir sereinement ses expressions individuelles et collectives dans la sphère publique sans leur plaquer, sans autre forme de procès, les stigmates de l’anathème. Ce qui en est cependant exclu, dans l’espace public, c’est toute prétention, de leur part, à la vérité inquestionnable, à la domination, à l’embrigadement.

La laïcité ainsi comprise favorise l’humanisation de toutes croyances, tant culturelles, politiques que religieuses, en mettant de l’avant le travail interprétatif des croyances et leur mise en dialogue. Car la politique et la culture peuvent comme la religion devenir toxiques quand elles sont sous l’emprise idéologique qui sacralise une idée au point que l’humain est sacrifié sur son autel, et le réel réduit à cette idée.

Cessons donc de brandir l’épouvantail du prosélytisme ou du sectarisme religieux dans le but de promouvoir une laïcité qui serait en soi antireligieuse. La laïcité mérite mieux que ça.

Jean-Claude Ravet L’auteur, écrivain, a fait paraître «La nuit et l’aube. Résistance spirituelle à la destruction du monde» (Nota Bene, 2024).

Source: Idées | Une laïcité antireligieuse est une mauvaise voie

The Rally for Secularism is well known for its positions on religion, which it immediately classifies as a factor of indoctrination, division and social conflict. For its part, we always know what to expect from religion, whatever it may be. And the wear is hardly shiny. Feeding exclusively on his worst expressions, he campaigned to prohibit all religious manifestations in public space in the name of secularism. Because according to its conception of secularism, and the neutrality it claims, everything that is religious should be repressed as much as possible in the intimate sphere to neutralize the potentially harmful effects on society.

But contrary to what is claimed, the “secularism” thus understood is not neutral towards religions, it is fiercely against. Believers are immediately posed as “objects” of secularism, never as subjects or actors. How could they since they are the target of said secularism and that any sign of belief would in itself be a sign of proselytism, brigade or obscurantism?

However, secularism is not the property of non-beliefs except to make it an anti-religious ideology. In the name of living together and the common good, it is a common part of all citizens, believers and non-believers, referring us to our common humanity that we are all called upon to deepen, to grow in the part of the world that is given to us. Religions have their part to play.

The article published by eight members of the Rassemblement pour la laïcité (“A reflection on secularism in the CEGEPS is imposed”, in Le Devoir of July 2) is symptomatic of this ideological orientation of secularism conceived to the detriment of religion and believers. The authors can thus affirm without supporting justification, as if it were self-evident, that “if culture, or even politics, is at the heart of the academic vitality of CEGEPs, the same is not true of religion, which is a matter of beliefs and facilitates community partitioning”.

This unnuanted statement is eminently reductive since it retains from religion only its sectarian manifestations. We could, by this same process, denigrate culture and politics just as much – which are also shared beliefs, which the authors pretend to ignore – by retaining from them only their fanatical and sectarian expressions. However, if it is possible to do so cavally with the religious, it is because a social representation of religion that goes in this direction is increasingly necessary.

A complex reality

The survey report on the Dawson and Vanier CEGEPs is a good example, which reproduces the same statements without taking care to give the reasons, citing only one article of the Regroupement pour la la laïcité on a CEGEP and ignoring a report by three university researchers on 10 CEGEPs and 10 universities much more nuanced. It’s worrying. Because this prevents us from thinking about a complex reality that has its roots in a significant part of the population.

The media also have their share of responsibility for this phenomenon by generally speaking of religion only in relation to its negative, dogmatic or sectarian manifestations. In doing so, we do not realize that we are building a society that marginalizes and makes invisible the “concrete people” who find in religion a privileged way of humanization – because they have no right of citizenship: hide what you are, because you threaten living together. Such a banishment, in addition to promoting religious fanaticism, which is reinforced by this social exclusion, can hinder the inculturation and civic engagement of newcomers who come from societies that do not have this entirely negative view of the religious and who feel “devalued” in their very being.

As editor-in-chief of the defunct magazine Relations, in which believers and unbelievers, or “otherwise believers”, according to the happy word of Michel de Certeau, worked jointly for a just society, I have always argued for my part in favor of an understanding of secularism that is not based on the invisibilization of religions and believers, let alone their rejection, leading to making secularism a “dominant religion”. The principle of religious neutrality specific to secularism does not aim to ignore religions, but, on the contrary, to serenely welcome one’s individual and collective expressions in the public sphere without placing them, without any other form of trial, with the stigmas of the anathema. What is excluded, however, in the public space, is any claim, on their part, to the unquestionable truth, to domination, to embrigadement.

The secularism thus understood promotes the humanization of all beliefs, both cultural, political and religious, by highlighting the interpretative work of beliefs and their dialogue. Because politics and culture can become toxic like religion when they are under the ideological influence that sacralizes an idea to the point that the human being is sacrificed on his altar, and reality reduced to this idea.

So let’s stop brandishing the scarecrow of proselytism or religious sectarianism in order to promote a secularism that would in itself be anti-religious. Secularism deserves better than that.

Jean-Claude Ravet The author, writer, published “The night and the dawn. Spiritual resistance to the destruction of the world” (Nota Bene, 2024).

Immigration caps are contributing to lower asking rents in Canada, CMHC says

Just after a webinar with the Diversity Institute minimizing the link (StatsCan notes greater correlation, albeit relatively small, in larger cities than smaller centres, with interest rates being greater factor):

Canada’s caps on foreign students and new residents have contributed to reduced demand for rental housing and lower average asking rents in Vancouver, Calgary, Toronto and Halifax, according to a new study from the national housing agency.

Over the past year, the average asking monthly rent fell between 2 per cent and 8 per cent in condos and rental-only apartments – also known as purpose-built rentals – said the report released Tuesday by Canada Mortgage and Housing Corp (CMHC).

The drop was due to a surge in new condos and apartment buildings hitting the market along with limits on temporary foreign residents such as students and new permanent residents.

As of April, temporary residents accounted for 7.1 per cent of the country’s total population, according to Statistics Canada. That compared with the peak of 7.4 per cent in October of last year. 

“It is quite evident on the demand side that there have been signs of weakening,” said Tania Bourassa-Ochoa, CMHC’s deputy chief economist, adding that there were stronger rental declines in regions with slower population growth….

Source: Immigration caps are contributing to lower asking rents in Canada, CMHC says

Newcomers vs. born-and-raised Albertans: Turns out, they’re not all that different

Would be interesting to also have data contrasting political affiliation to see if same pattern holds (it may well). Measure of political integration:

….Conservatives have long fretted that international and interprovincial migrants will bring with them a tidal wave of views — and votes — at odds with traditional, right-leaning Alberta values. Some progressives, meanwhile, have been wishing and hoping for the day that happens.

So far, it hasn’t.

And it likely won’t, says pollster Janet Brown, even with the latest wave of people moving to the province.

“It’s a widely held belief that newer Albertans are different, but the data has never borne that out,” said Brown, who recently conducted a wide-ranging survey for CBC News that examined the beliefs and perspectives of people in this province.

The results were in line with polls she had done in years past; overall, Brown has found very little difference in opinion between Albertans who have lived all or most of their lives in the province and those who have moved here from elsewhere.

When it comes to many beliefs, in fact, the two groups are virtually indistinguishable.

Value statements

This most recent poll asked Albertans whether they agreed or disagreed with a series of value statements on a range of topics and issues.

You can see for yourself in the chart below just how similar the responses were.

Albertans who have always or mostly lived in the province are seen in the left-hand column, while Albertans who moved here from elsewhere are in the right-hand column.

https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/wuJvs/1/


These results may come as a surprise to many Albertans, but not Brown.

As a pollster, she says the lack of difference between these two groups has been apparent for some time, even if others didn’t believe it.

“In the past I’d have liberal friends and they’d say, ‘Well, if we just wait for enough people to move from Ontario, then Alberta will become liberal,'” Brown said.

That has yet to materialize, she said, because “the people who move from Ontario aren’t a random, representative sample of people who live there.”

“Sometimes we find that new Albertans are more stereotypical than people who were born here,” Brown said.

Search: Newcomers vs. born-and-raised Albertans: Turns out, they’re not all that different

Clerk letter to Public Service

Good letter with three priorities, focus, simplify, accountability. Clear test for both political and official levels:

Dear Colleagues,

Today marks the third time in my career that I have joined the federal public service. The first was a long time ago when I was fresh out of school. More recently, I rejoined about five years ago as the Deputy Minister of Finance. And here I am today, in a new role.

So, you might well ask, why? Why am I here? Of course, the most direct answer is that the Prime Minister asked me to take this on. I am grateful to him for the opportunity to do this job at this point in Canada’s history.

Why does this period present such a compelling opportunity for all of us?

First, the federal public service is one of Canada’s great institutions. I have believed this for decades. It has a long-distinguished history of advising successive governments through challenging periods. And, over time, it has shown its ability to evolve and become more diverse to reflect the country itself. For all those reasons, the public service plays an integral part in our system of government – in our democracy. If we have learned anything from the turbulent world we live in, it should be to never take for granted our democratic system of government, and the institutions that support it and make it work.

Second, I believe that we are at a particular moment in our history. The world is changing fast. And in some fundamental ways. While the changes we are living aren’t easy, they give us, as a country, the opportunity right now to make decisions that will put Canada’s economy on a more resilient path; that will make us a more prosperous and fairer country; and that can strengthen our national unity in the face of an increasingly divided world. That is a tall order. It will only be accomplished with a lot of hard work inside government and across the country. It is an opportunity that we cannot miss.

Third, I am convinced that the public service has an indispensable role to play in ensuring we seize this opportunity. As public servants, if we are to deliver on that goal, we need to keep three words in mind.

· Focus: the Government’s priorities are very clear, as set out in the missions that the Prime Minister has launched. Our job is to be disciplined and concentrate on those. By staying tightly focused on priorities, we can help them become realities faster.

· Simplify: Our internal processes have become quite complicated. When that happens, there is always the risk that following the process is so time-consuming that everything slows down – at a time when we need to speed up because the world is moving as fast as it is. Windows of opportunity open and close. The world waits for no one. When processes get too onerous, they can also obscure what really matters most and why we are all here: to have an impact for the benefit of Canadians. Trying to simplify processes is going to be a priority. I know it is easier said than done. But it has to be addressed.

· Accountability: From the advice we give ministers to the decisions we take in running departments and programs to the services we provide to Canadians – from national defence to issuing a passport – we need to have a sense of personal accountability for what we do. Accountability is about commitment. It is about initiative – it is about taking that extra step that no one may have asked you to take, but that is often needed to make something a success. Successful organizations always have two characteristics. Formal accountabilities have to be clear – it’s the job of senior management to ensure that they are. And people need to feel and act in a personally accountable way. Helping to build those accountabilities and a culture of personal accountability will be key priorities for me.

In my experience, leadership is a lot about listening. Listening to the open and honest debates we need. In these uncertain times, when the standard operating procedures just don’t work anymore, rigorous debate is the best path to the best decisions. In this, our diversity is a continuing source of strength. With diversity comes the differing perspectives that make those debates even more worthwhile.

A final point: be proud. Proud of the work you do. Proud of serving Canada and Canadians.

I look forward to working with all of you.

Michael Sabia

Source: Clerk letter to Public Service

Cabinet ministers asked to find ‘ambitious’ spending cuts as Carney government prepares first budget

To watch, significant targets:

Federal cabinet ministers are being asked to find “ambitious” internal savings this summer ahead of the 2025 budget as Prime Minister Mark Carney’s government decides how it will pay for the billions of dollars in new spending that it recently announced.

Specifically, ministers must find ways to reduce program spending by 7.5 per cent in the fiscal year that begins April 1, 2026, followed by 10 per cent in savings the next year and 15 per cent in the 2028-29 fiscal year.

Program spending refers to the costs related to services provided directly by Ottawa. It excludes large categories such as federal transfers to the provinces and territories for health and social services, debt payments, and direct transfers to individuals such as seniors benefits. 

Finance Minister François-Philippe Champagne sent two letters to all cabinet ministers Monday informing them of plans for a “Comprehensive Expenditure Review” as well as a new pre-budget process related to minister requests for new funding.

“You will be expected to bring forward ambitious savings proposals to spend less on the day-to-day running of government, and invest more in building a strong, united Canadian economy,” Mr. Champagne wrote in one of the letters.

Source: Cabinet ministers asked to find ‘ambitious’ spending cuts as Carney government prepares first budget

Lisée | Les gardiens du dogme

Applies more broadly than to trans:

…Le malaise déborde du cadre des ordres professionnels impliqués pour s’étendre au milieu universitaire. « Soyons francs, le climat qui prévaut dans les milieux universitaires nous inquiète », écrivent les sages. « Loin d’offrir l’espace par excellence au questionnement et à l’organisation d’une délibération ouverte, rationnelle et apaisée, l’université semble plus que jamais exposée aux effets pernicieux de la polarisation. »

Le rapport cite Rachida Azdouz, psychologue et chercheuse affiliée au Laboratoire de recherche en relations interculturelles : « Quand des chercheurs sont considérés comme des “alliés” par leur terrain de prédilection, il leur devient difficile de formuler une pensée indépendante sur les enjeux qu’ils sont censés documenter. » Or, il en va ainsi d’universitaires qui s’affichent à la fois sur les plateaux de télé comme des « experts » de la question trans et, sur leurs sites Web, comme des « alliés » de la cause. Ce n’est plus de la science, mais de la militance.

Une chercheuse a par exemple raconté aux sages qu’elle avait été soumise à des pressions pour supprimer des résultats dans une recherche de façon à occulter les besoins particuliers des femmes de sexe biologique. « J’ai vécu un clash de valeurs, parce que je viens […] d’un univers scientifique, » leur a-t-elle dit.

Le rapport note que « l’intimidation ou la censure ne sont pas le fait d’une majorité, mais d’une minorité ». Force est de constater qu’elle est d’une grande efficacité. « Nous avons entendu des témoignages d’universitaires qui n’ont accepté de nous parler que sous le sceau de la confidentialité, craignant de recevoir des menaces ou de nuire à leur carrière. Nous avions affaire à des personnes posées, reconnues dans leur domaine d’expertise, qui souhaiteraient pouvoir soulever certaines questions ou explorer certains champs de recherche au regard de l’identité de genre. »

Les sages citent cette chercheuse : « La militance ne soutient pas le dialogue, mais l’adhésion à une identité de genre, et s’il n’y a pas adhésion complète, il y a injonction d’endosser l’idéologie. » Un membre d’un groupe de femmes ajoute : « On est arrivé à un stade où les membres ne veulent même plus s’exprimer sur la question. Le problème, c’est la radicalité. Il y en a à chaque bout du spectre. La majorité est entre les deux, mais ce sont les plus radicales qui parlent le plus fort. »

Le traitement infligé par l’OPSQ à une pionnière de la sexologie au Québec doit être le signal d’alarme qui pousse l’État à rétablir l’esprit scientifique lorsque des ordres professionnels cèdent à des arguments militants. Il doit aussi obliger davantage de transparence dans les processus d’enquêtes et de plaintes, qui sont instrumentalisés par des tenants de dogmes pour éteindre en catimini le débat scientifique et la quête, jamais achevée, des meilleurs remèdes.

Source: Chronique | Les gardiens du dogme

…Le malaise déborde du cadre des ordres professionnels impliqués pour s’étendre au milieu universitaire. « Soyons francs, le climat qui prévaut dans les milieux universitaires nous inquiète », écrivent les sages. « Loin d’offrir l’espace par excellence au questionnement et à l’organisation d’une délibération ouverte, rationnelle et apaisée, l’université semble plus que jamais exposée aux effets pernicieux de la polarisation. »

Le rapport cite Rachida Azdouz, psychologue et chercheuse affiliée au Laboratoire de recherche en relations interculturelles : « Quand des chercheurs sont considérés comme des “alliés” par leur terrain de prédilection, il leur devient difficile de formuler une pensée indépendante sur les enjeux qu’ils sont censés documenter. » Or, il en va ainsi d’universitaires qui s’affichent à la fois sur les plateaux de télé comme des « experts » de la question trans et, sur leurs sites Web, comme des « alliés » de la cause. Ce n’est plus de la science, mais de la militance.

Une chercheuse a par exemple raconté aux sages qu’elle avait été soumise à des pressions pour supprimer des résultats dans une recherche de façon à occulter les besoins particuliers des femmes de sexe biologique. « J’ai vécu un clash de valeurs, parce que je viens […] d’un univers scientifique, » leur a-t-elle dit.

Le rapport note que « l’intimidation ou la censure ne sont pas le fait d’une majorité, mais d’une minorité ». Force est de constater qu’elle est d’une grande efficacité. « Nous avons entendu des témoignages d’universitaires qui n’ont accepté de nous parler que sous le sceau de la confidentialité, craignant de recevoir des menaces ou de nuire à leur carrière. Nous avions affaire à des personnes posées, reconnues dans leur domaine d’expertise, qui souhaiteraient pouvoir soulever certaines questions ou explorer certains champs de recherche au regard de l’identité de genre. »

Les sages citent cette chercheuse : « La militance ne soutient pas le dialogue, mais l’adhésion à une identité de genre, et s’il n’y a pas adhésion complète, il y a injonction d’endosser l’idéologie. » Un membre d’un groupe de femmes ajoute : « On est arrivé à un stade où les membres ne veulent même plus s’exprimer sur la question. Le problème, c’est la radicalité. Il y en a à chaque bout du spectre. La majorité est entre les deux, mais ce sont les plus radicales qui parlent le plus fort. »

Le traitement infligé par l’OPSQ à une pionnière de la sexologie au Québec doit être le signal d’alarme qui pousse l’État à rétablir l’esprit scientifique lorsque des ordres professionnels cèdent à des arguments militants. Il doit aussi obliger davantage de transparence dans les processus d’enquêtes et de plaintes, qui sont instrumentalisés par des tenants de dogmes pour éteindre en catimini le débat scientifique et la quête, jamais achevée, des meilleurs remèdes.

Source: Chronique | Les gardiens du dogme

.. The malaise goes beyond the framework of the professional orders involved to extend to the academic environment. “Let’s be honest, the climate that prevails in university circles worries us,” write the wise. “Far from offering the space par excellence to question and organize an open, rational and peaceful deliberation, the university seems more than ever exposed to the pernicious effects of polarization. ”


The report quotes Rachida Azdouz, a psychologist and researcher affiliated with the Research Laboratory in Intercultural Relations: “When researchers are considered “allies” by their favorite field, it becomes difficult for them to formulate an independent thought on the issues they are supposed to document. However, this is the case with academics who display themselves both on TV sets as “experts” on the trans issue and, on their websites, as “allies” of the cause. It is no longer science, but militancy.


For example, a researcher told the wise men that she had been subjected to pressure to remove results in a research in order to hide the special needs of women of biological sex. “I experienced a clash of values, because I come […] from a scientific universe,” she told them.


The report notes that “intimidation or censorship is not the work of a majority, but a minority”. It must be noted that it is highly effective. “We have heard testimonies from academics who have only agreed to speak to us under the seal of confidentiality, fearing threats or harming their careers. We were dealing with people, recognized in their field of expertise, who would like to be able to raise certain questions or explore certain fields of research with regard to gender identity. ”


The wise men quote this researcher: “Activism does not support dialogue, but adherence to a gender identity, and if there is no complete adherence, there is an injunction to endorse ideology. “A member of a group of women adds: “We have reached a stage where members no longer even want to comment on the issue. The problem is radicalism. There are at every end of the spectrum. The majority is between the two, but it is the more radical ones who speak the loudest. ”


The treatment inflicted by the OPHO to a pioneer of sexology in Quebec must be the alarm signal that pushes the state to restore the scientific spirit when professional orders give in to militant arguments. It must also require more transparency in the processes of investigations and complaints, which are exploited by supporters of dogmas to secretly extinguish the scientific debate and the never completed quest for the best remedies.

Su | Canada shouldn’t follow Donald Trump’s ICE surge into a Fortress North America

Of note. But perceived unmanaged migration is viewed more as a threat than managed immigration and regular arrivals in Canada and it is unlikely that Canadians would accept large scale refugee flows from the USA. C-2 arguably recognizes this reality without going to the well demonstrated excesses of the USA:

…Earlier this year, Ottawa tabled the Strong Border, Safe Communities Act (Bill C-2). The bill closes loopholes in the Safe Third Country Agreement, restricts irregular crossings, grants sweeping new detention and removal powers to the Canadian Border Service Agency, expands cross-border surveillance with the U.S., and fast-tracks inadmissibility decisions. At its core, Bill C-2 borrows from the same logic that underpins Trump’s ICE surge: that migration is a threat best met with force, surveillance and deterrence.

But how does this affect Canada and Canadians? If we care about our global reputation, let alone our Charter values of due process, freedom from arbitrary detention, and equal treatment, we should demand nuance, not mimicry. We shouldn’t allow our leaders to spend billions in taxpayer money to just “keep up” with the Kardashians.

Because once we normalize the framing of immigration as a miliary threat rather than a human reality, the outcome is inevitable and costly. It means bigger detention centres, longer removal backlogs, and growing human rights challenges at the border.

True protection demands funded reception capacity, legal aid and rigorous refugee determination processes alongside border enforcement. History tells me, deterrence doesn’t solve migration, it just hides it. Walls and raids don’t erase the reasons people move, be it conflict, persecution, or economic desperation.

The more the U.S. tightens the screws, the more people seek pathways elsewhere. And if Canada’s only answer is to mirror that escalation, we risk becoming complicit in a Fortress America mentality that abandons the very ideals we claim to defend.

I have spent over a decade studying forced migration. I know these policy waves don’t just impact people in abstract ways. They decide whether children are reunited with parents. Whether survivors of violence are protected or pushed back into danger. Whether Canada remains a place where refugee claims are heard with fairness and due process, not filtered by quotas or political optics.

Acting in concert with a U.S. mandate that’s fuelling mass detention and deportation risks shifting our nation’s stance from refuge to refoulement. But we can’t let that happen. We need to hold on to what makes us different. Canada’s refugee system, while imperfect, has long balanced order and compassion. At a time like this, we need to strengthen that legacy, not weaken it under the shadow of Trumps’ ICE megabudget.

Canada faces a choice: do we build a taller fence because our neighbours did and hide the problems, or do we invest in solutions that uphold dignity and fairness while protecting security? The billions now being spent south of the border should be a cautionary tale, not a blueprint.

Source: Opinion | Canada shouldn’t follow Donald Trump’s ICE surge into a Fortress North America

Premières coupes à l’aide sociale versée aux demandeurs d’asile

Of note:

Le gouvernement Legault a commencé à réduire le soutien social offert aux demandeurs d’asile présents au Québec en abolissant une allocation de quelques dizaines de dollars par mois offerte à ceux qui reçoivent de l’aide sociale. Des dizaines de milliers de personnes seront touchées.

L’aide supprimée consiste en un « ajustement » offert aux demandeurs d’asile pour compenser le fait qu’ils n’ont pas accès au crédit de solidarité comme les autres prestataires de l’aide sociale. La somme accordée oscille entre 15 $ et 30 $ par mois, selon la situation du prestataire (en couple, en colocation ou pas).

La ministre responsable de la Solidarité sociale, Chantal Rouleau, a adopté à la fin de mai un règlement qui prévoit l’abolition de cette mesure à compter du 1er octobre.

Cette coupe survient alors que le gouvernement Legault menace de sabrer l’aide sociale aux demandeurs d’asile si Ottawa refuse de réduire leur nombre au Québec. La semaine dernière, le premier ministre François Legault déclarait de nouveau ne rien exclure en la matière, y compris « revoir l’aide sociale pour certaines personnes immigrantes temporaires »….

Source: Premières coupes à l’aide sociale versée aux demandeurs d’asile

Canada’s immigration system must put national security ahead of applicants: Expert

Understandable call which of course will prompt some equally understandable pushback. But strong security vetting is essential to maintaining public support for immigration. And while the examples cited pertain to immigrants from the Mid-East and Islamic countries, also applies more broadly to India, China and elsewhere:

Canada’s immigration framework needs to put national security ahead of the interests of applicants.

That’s among many issues experts say need to change as Canada wrestles with what they say is decades of ineffective and damaging immigration policy, as the country deals with increased global security threats from bad actors.

“We need to get back to a system that’s sane, we need to get back to a system that’s secure,” Toronto Immigration Lawyer Sergio Karas, of Karas Immigration Law, told the Toronto Sun.

“Security for Canadians and Canadian residents should be the first priority, not the last priority. Security should be first and the applicant’s application should be second.”

As Iran’s Islamic theocratic regime staggers under Israeli and American attempts to dismantle the terror state’s nuclear weapons program, reports of officials and members of the regime’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) taking refuge in Canada are growing.

In addition, concerns are also being raised over properly screening thousands of Palestinian refugees expected to stream into Canada, and if they hold undisclosed links to Palestinian terror groups like Hamas and the far-left Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) — the mother organization of Canadian terror group Samidoun.

Karas pointed to the case of Palestinian terrorist Mahmoud Mohammad Issa Mohammad, who took part in the deadly 1968 hijacking of an El Al airliner in Athens.

Convicted and imprisoned in Greece, he was soon freed after a different Palestinian terror group hijacked another plane and threatened to kill everyone on board if Mohammad wasn’t released.

Mohammed immigrated to Canada in 1987, without disclosing his criminal history and ties to Palestinian terrorism.

After his lies were discovered, he filed a refugee claim before deportation proceedings could commence — sparking a nearly 25-year legal battle to stay in Canada, insisting he wasn’t a terrorist but a “freedom fighter” in battle with Israel….

Source: Canada’s immigration system must put national security ahead of applicants: Expert