A new generation of judges is redefining what Canada’s top courts look like 

Really good and thorough analysis of judicial appointments under the Liberal government. My 2016 analysis of the Harper government appointments referenced. Legacy achievement of the Liberals and their first minister of justice, Wilson-Raybould. The next needed analysis would be to assess their impact on jurisprudence and decisions, a much harder task.

Likely that there will be a contrary shift under the likely Poilievre government in terms of process, appointments and transparency (i.e. FCJAC reports):

…A decade ago, and forever before that, a clear majority of judges on Canada’s most important courts were white men. That began to change after the federal government’s 2016 reshaping of the judicial hiring process, which in part focused on increasing diversity.

Now, among 1,180 federally appointed judges, 47 per cent are women, 6 per cent are racialized and 2 per cent are Indigenous, according to data compiled by the Office of the Commissioner of Federal Judicial Affairs in 2024. It is the first time the agency has compiled statistics on the varied backgrounds of all judges who decide the biggest cases.

Underrepresentation remains an issue, especially among Indigenous and racialized people, but recent gains are significant. In unofficial data from 2016, compiled by a former senior federal civil servant [me!] in Policy Options magazine, 30 per cent of judges at the time on federally appointed benches were women, 2 per cent were racialized and 1 per cent were Indigenous…

Up until 2016, the top judicial ranks were dominated by white men, chosen by Liberal and Conservative governments alike. From 2007 through 2015, when Stephen Harper was prime minister, two-thirds of 701 appointments were men, according to earlier data on gender from Federal Judicial Affairs. For several years, almost all new judges appointed by Mr. Harper’s government were white, a 2012 Globe story reported.

The federal Conservative Party did not respond to requests for comment.

In the new data compiled by Federal Judicial Affairs, with numbers as of February, 2024, the shift under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau is distinct….

Source: A new generation of judges is redefining what Canada’s top courts look like 


‘We didn’t turn the taps down fast enough’: Immigration minister wants to save Canada’s consensus on newcomers

Yet another intv with immigration minister Miller, charged with correction the missteps of the government and his predecessors:

This year brought one of the most significant policy reversals in the Liberal government’s nine years in power: drastically cutting the number of immigrants entering Canada over the next three years.

The dramatic reduction followed months of warnings from economists, corporate banks and even the government’s own officials that Canada’s population growth was outpacing the availability of services and housing, driving up costs.

It marked a pivotal political moment for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, who came to power in 2015 on a pro-immigration message. By this fall, Trudeau admitted they “didn’t get the balance quite right,” particularly coming out of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Immigration Minister Marc Miller sat down with National Post to discuss the government’s recent immigration changes.

National Post: You’re the fifth immigration minister for this government, but you’re the one who came in and had to reduce immigration levels. How does that feel?

Immigration Minister Marc Miller: Off the cuff, I think it was the right thing to do. I think it was an important thing to do for a number of things, just because of the need to make sure that we’re being responsible, to put the flow of people into the country and properly giving Canadians a snapshot of what population growth looks like in the context of a government that has been very bullish on immigration. I think rightly so. And I won’t pretend that we’ve gotten everything right, certainly haven’t in some respects, but we have gotten a lot right. Avoiding recessions has been important.

The prime minister put me in this position less than a year-and-a-half ago knowing that there needed to be some change and so gave me enough of a landing strip to be able to land a big bunch of policy planes and trusted me to do that. And so that is something that didn’t come out the head of one person. We were conscious as a government that there were some adjustments that needed to be made, but in a thoughtful way.

We do have, unfortunately, the tendency of confusing consensus with unanimity, we will not ever have unanimity on immigration. There are people that don’t want immigrants. There are people that want more than we can accommodate, but there is a consensus that’s been built. I think it’s one that is under some threat, if it hasn’t completely crashed in some other countries, but we have a unique moment in Canadian politics to get this right.

National Post: When did you realize you had to reduce permanent residents and what kind of sell was that to cabinet, maybe even the prime minister, caucus colleagues?

Miller: The levels plan are several months in the planning and it isn’t the result of one poll or one in-depth survey.

I truly wanted options this year that I could put in front of cabinet members where we could have a healthy discussion about where we wanted to see this country in the next three years, and what signal that sent to Canadians in the context of an election year. There will be no other levels plan, barring some extraordinary measure before the next election.

It’s very easy when you’re constantly increasing the numbers, to spread a little bit here and spread a little bit there. It’s a radically different intellectual and emotional exercise to say, ‘OK, well, we’ve got to cut 20 per cent, where you do care about immigration, where do you want to see this going?’ And it makes for some really difficult choices.

It is probably in my experience in cabinet, one of the cabinet items that is the most hotly debated with a variety of views that don’t always come to one mind. But I think on this one, there was broad consensus because of what people were hearing at the doors, I think what economists were signalling, what provinces and territories were telling us.

National Post: Did you have any colleagues saying ‘we can’t do 20 per cent?’

Miller: I’m not going to betray the trust that they put in me, but, you know, we have different views in our caucus and Canadians do as well.

Some people have huge hearts and want more refugees and humanitarian folks coming from the countries that are war torn. Certainly there’s an argument for that. Lots of people across Canada that want to bring the family members in, increasingly so with the number of first generation immigrants.

And then, you know, from the chambers of commerce, that want an unlimited supply of economic migrants, some temporary, some permanent.

There are different economic impacts: one, the initial investment into a refugee or an asylum seeker that pays off, perhaps only in the next generation or years later in someone’s career, if you look at it purely from an economic perspective and someone that comes in with a high set of skills and hits the ground running and integrates into society almost immediately.

National Post: Why should Canadians trust the Liberals to handle immigration when you and the prime minister have admitted you didn’t adjust as quickly as you could have?

Miller: It’s a fair question. I think we owe it to Canadians, first and foremost, to be honest with them and not double down when we get something wrong or not get it as right as we should have.

Let’s not underplay the good that’s happened with immigration. It is significant, and I think it has helped us get out of a perfect storm that we faced coming out of COVID.

We did, going into the COVID, particularly in my province (Quebec), have labour shortages (that) magnified coming out of COVID, so we scrambled pretty quickly to fill that and I think we did it successfully. What I would say, probably, is we didn’t turn the taps down fast enough and when it comes to international students, probably should have acted early.

I think we are being honest with Canadians. We’re being responsible in taking the shift, which is an important one, but not being cavalier in overcorrecting, which in these political situations is always a risk to simply please one group or another.

National Post: Was part of the reason you didn’t move fast enough was emotions people in cabinet have towards immigration and the role immigration has played to the Liberal brand?

Miller: I’m not too worried about our brand. It isn’t something I focus on too much when making policy.

I think there are legitimate questions about the impact of slowing down volume, the impact on the economy of having even a marginal population decline. When it comes to temporary residents, in my mind, I believe we probably trusted the provinces and the (post-secondary) institutions that they should be regulating better for too long.

National Post: Do you think that the time it took and some of the mistake made is contributing to the asks that are now coming from the incoming U.S. administration when it comes to immigration?

Miller: Not to downplay the asks, because I think we do have to take any actions or signals that the incoming administration is sending to us, I think we do have to take them seriously.

I think it’s the results of a toxic debate around immigration in the U.S., that is the result of how their southern border, the border with Mexico, is perceived and not with Canada.

There are some measures that I took coming into power … to put a little more discipline into the visa program, including the Mexican visa, actually putting the hammer down in May on Indian visas and visas from Bangladesh, so much so that our November numbers for transporter traffic is at a yearly low. That needs to continue.

National Post: Do you think you waited too long on the (Mexican) visa requirement because it had been an issue throughout 2023 and it wasn’t until February they were reinstated?

Miller: I won’t speculate specifically on that for a number of reasons, because there’s a lot of operational considerations that we take into account when making one of these decisions. They’re not taken lightly, particularly when we’re dealing with one of our larger trading partners in Mexico.

National Post: Are you considering any changes to the Canada-U.S. Safe Third Country Agreement?

Miller: That is a discussion that is going to be had with the U.S. because it’s a two-way street. if we can always perfect the way the border is managed, I’m totally open to it. But amendments to the Safe Third Country Agreement at times requires a passage through Congress. It’s a long process that is a product of the U.S. machine.

On balance, it’s an agreement that has served us well. What I am considering is changes to the asylum system that could potentially address the way the … agreement gets gamed by people trying to come to Canada.

National Post: Why should there be an ability for someone to make an asylum claim if they didn’t come through an official port of entry?

Miller: People could be trying to save their own lives, and in any story of a refugee, you’ll find people that will commit technical breaches of the law in order to save their own lives.

I think it’s unfair to sort of paint them constantly, as quote unquote “illegals.” But there is a way to get into this country. It needs to be managed properly and it needs to be done in a way that’s fair and humane to folks.

Source: ‘We didn’t turn the taps down fast enough’: Immigration minister wants to save Canada’s consensus on newcomers

Snyder: The Mump Oligarchy — A Glossary

Snyder is providing some of the best macro-level analysis of the incoming administration and its acolytes. The recent infighting over H1-B visas being a recent example:

  1. Mump regime. Musk plus Trump. Mu…mp. The real centibillionaire and the fake rich person in the proper order.
  2. Mump oligarchy. The regime is an oligarchy, rule by the wealthy few. Trump is the oligarchs’ spokesman. He might stay or go. The oligarchs will remain.
  3. Mump as illness. Physical illness: we are made sick and scammed blind (think of RFK Jr and Ramaswamy). Mumps is one of the diseases that will return without vaccines. Mental illness: Musk’s idea of prosperity is that he hurts you and you thank him. See my work on sadopopulism. 
  4. In Mumptopia, Americans spend our time in front of screens, instructed whom to hate and worship by algorithms curated by immigrant software engineers. We die pointlessly young on an overheated Earth with the word “Mars” on our lips. The Mump mage performs a ritual rocket dance, leaping a few inches over our graves. 
  5. Mump not MAGA. The MAGA folks somehow did not realize that they were giving power to a an illegal immigrant South African centibillionaire. This is not their regime.
  6. Mumpers. South Africans, Russians, and others close to power. Musk, Putin, Thiel, Sacks, Trump (today), Vance (tomorrow) and their closest circles.
  7. Mumpery. Behavior typical of the Mump regime. Gaslighting, theft, scams, tax avoidance, disinformation, Putinism, dictator worship, threatening U.S. allies, submitting to U.S. enemies, persecuting Americans, suppressing speech with threats of violence and lawsuits, promoting pollution and global warming, ending public services.
  8. Mumpets. Those who choose to submit to Musk. For example, senators who ignore their constitutional responsibilities and vote for Trump’s Cabinet nominees, whose buffoonery and fascism are meant to weaken the state so Musk can profit. Compare: puppet, pet.
  9. To mumpify. To become a mumpet. Nouns can be formed from this verb. For example: “Senator Fetterman is pretty far along in his mumpification.” Or adjectives: “Yep, I’d say he’s mumpified by now.” Compare: zombify, zombification.
  10. Mumpy, or mumpish. People influenced by the Mump regime, or actions that tend towards a mumpified world. “That’s mumpier than I would have expected.” “She’s gone all mumpy on me.” Supercedes: trumpy.

Source: The Mump Oligarchy — A Glossary

2024 Looking Back, 2025 Looking Forward

That time of year to look back on my articles and commentary, and look forward to what will likely be my focus in the coming year.

Best wishes for the holidays and the new year, when I will restart my blog.

In addition to my news clipping in Multicultural Meanderings, the majority of my writing focused on citizenship issues, given C-71 and some data projects that I have worked on.

Citizenship

Bill C-71: The need for a timeframe limit (submission to Senate SOCI, 2024)

Bill C-71 opens up a possible never-ending chain of citizenship (Policy Options, 2024)

What citizenship applications tell us about policy implementation (Hill Times, 2024) (paywall, unpaywalled version https://multiculturalmeanderings.wordpress.com/wp-admin/post.php?post=74476&action=edit

Naturalization Visualized: A Study of Canadian Citizenship Data (Institute for Canadian Citizenship, 2024)

Time to take citizenship seriously in ‘I Am Canadian’ – Or Not: Essay Collection (ACS, 2024)

Other

Misleading Canadians: The Flawed Assumption Behind the Government’s Planned Reduction in Temporary Residents (LinkedIn, 2024)

Anti-hate initiatives have not been able to stop the surge in crimes (Policy Options, 2024)

How diverse are Order of Canada appointments? (Policy Options, 2024)

Executive Diversity within the Public Service: An Accelerating Trend (Hill Times, 2024). Unpaywalled: https://multiculturalmeanderings.wordpress.com/wp-admin/post.php?post=72434&action=edit

New electoral map and diversity (The Hill Times, 2024) Not paywall protected

Preparing for a Conservative government in the public service (Policy Options, 2024)

Most popular posts on LinkedIn:


What a Conservative government might change in immigration, citizenship and employment equity

Employment Equity in the Public Service of Canada 2022-23: Preliminary Observations

Explaining the decline in national pride in Canada

Clark: It’s too late for universities and colleges to complain about the foreign student cap

Keller: Thanks to Marc Miller, the immigration system is (slightly) less broken, Clark: Ottawa finally acts on international student visas, setting a challenge for Doug Ford

Clear majority of Canadians say there is too much immigration, new poll suggests

Immigration Minister urged to crack down on international student ‘no shows’ at colleges

Preparing for a Conservative government in the public service

Misleading Canadians: The Flawed Assumption Behind the Government’s Planned Reduction in Temporary Residents

Flawed Assumptions and Misleading Information: Outflows

Looking ahead to 2025, I expect that birth tourism will become an issue again given president-elect Trump’s planned actions and likely ensuing litigation.

Given the likely earlier demise of the Liberal government, unlikely that C-71 will make it through the process, leaving a vacuum for the expected Conservative government to address.

The impact of an expected Conservative government on a range of immigration, citizenship and employment equity policies will provide a range of opportunities for commentary and analysis.

Lost Canadians bill could create 115,000 more citizens, says parliamentary budget officer

Hard to know whether my and other critiques over the lack of numbers by the government resulted in PBO doing the needed analysis. Overall population approach versus my mix of the same Statistics Canada study and passport-based approach but responds to the need for estimated numbers. About three times higher than my upper estimate.

The one assumption that may be questionable is to assume that the current average cost of citizenship proofs would apply to all. If there had been a time limit of five years to meet the residency requirement, that would be reasonable. Without the time limit, the share of more complex residency over multiple years and longer periods, would increase the complexity and cost. The PBO itself notes that “the take-up rate may be impacted by different factors which will affect the cost of the billI,” one of which would be the time period under which residency occurred.

It would have been helpful had the PBO provided a breakdown of the 115,000 by separate groups rather than just the overall number (c and d together would form the largest group) as well as more clarity on assumption based numbers (e.g., population growth rate):

  • “a) the number of Canadians by descent born outside of Canada between February 15, 1977 and April 17, 1981 and who have derived their citizenship from a Canadian by descent parent and did not apply to retain their citizenship before the age of 28;
  • b) the children of these persons;
  • c) the children of Canadians by descent who were born after the coming into force of the first-generation limit on citizenship on April 17, 2009; and
  • d) the number of adoptees of Canadians by descent.”

Given the highly uncertain status of the current Parliament following the Freeland letter, questionable whether C-71 will progress but the PBO analysis provides a more informed basis for discussion:

A bill to reinstate rights for what are known as lost Canadians could create around 115,000 new citizens in the next five years, according to a report by the Parliamentary Budget Officer.

The report, published on Thursday, also estimates that it will cost the government $20.8-million over five years to implement the change, with $16.8-million coming in 2025-2026. The PBO presumes the law will come into force in April.

Bill C-71 was introduced by the government earlier this year after an Ontario court ruled it is unconstitutional to deny citizenship to children born overseas to Canadians also born outside the country.

The bill reverses a change by Stephen Harper’s Conservative government in 2009 that stripped children of a Canadian parent born outside Canada of their automatic right to citizenship.

The 2009 change was designed to crack down on what Conservatives called “Canadians of convenience.” It followed an outcry after Canada spent more than $80-million to evacuate 15,000 Canadian citizens from Lebanon in 2006 during the Israel-Hezbollah war.

It has led to Canadians working abroad being denied the right to pass on their citizenship to their children. It has also meant that some “border babies” – born a few kilometres away in the United States – and Indigenous children born in communities straddling the border do not qualify for Canadian passports, despite living here.

The government, which has reduced its targets for the number of permanent residents to reduce pressure on housing and other services, has never publicly said how many new Canadians it expects the change in the law will create.

The Parliamentary Budget Officer based its 115,000 figure on estimates of the number of Canadians by descent living outside Canada and assumed that their numbers grow at the same rate as the Canadian population. The PBO included people who were adopted by a Canadian who could become citizens under the change.

“The Parliamentary Budget Officer estimates a total net cost of the proposed amendments to the Citizenship Act to be $20.8-million over five years, beginning in 2025‑2026. The total number of persons that would be affected is estimated to be around 115,000 over the same period,” the report said.

Don Chapman, who has been campaigning for decades to restore rights to lost Canadians, said he did not think that all those gaining the right to citizenship under the bill who live abroad would opt to come to Canada. He said a lot of lost Canadians were already living in Canada, including children.

“It’s likely that most people who are eligible will not apply,” he said.

Source: Lost Canadians bill could create 115,000 more citizens, says parliamentary budget officer

PBO Report: Amending the Citizenship Act (2024) 

    Idées | Islamophobie ou islamocécité?

    Useful distinction from secularists:

    Un comité de la Chambre des communes recommande que les cégeps et les universités augmentent la représentation des professeurs musulmans pour lutter contre l’islamophobie. Cette suggestion fait écho à celle d’Amira Elghawaby, représentante spéciale du Canada chargée de la lutte contre l’islamophobie. En septembre dernier, son appel avait suscité une vive réaction au Québec, et l’Assemblée nationale avait réclamé sa démission, tout comme elle l’avait fait en janvier 2023 en raison de propos jugés offensants envers les Québécois à la suite de l’adoption de la Loi sur la laïcité de l’État.

    Bien que cette mesure s’inscrive dans une démarche de discrimination positive, il convient de se demander si cette discrimination, même qualifiée de « positive », est véritablement bénéfique.

    Depuis l’attaque du Hamas contre Israël en octobre 2023 et la contre-offensive des troupes israéliennes dans la bande de Gaza qui se poursuit depuis, l’antisémitisme est, de façon flagrante, la forme de racisme la plus visible au pays, selon les plus récents chiffres publiés par Statistique Canada. Bien qu’ils ne représentent que 1 % de la population canadienne, les juifs ont été victimes de 70 % de tous les actes criminels haineux fondés sur la religion.

    Si l’on peut compatir à la cause palestinienne, il n’en reste pas moins que cette communauté est marginale au Canada, tandis que la diaspora juive, enracinée depuis des siècles, est au cœur de notre histoire. Dans ce contexte, une représentante spéciale pour lutter contre l’antisémitisme ne serait-elle pas plus pertinente, direz-vous ?

    Il appert qu’il y en a une depuis 2020. C’est Deborah Lyons qui occupe présentement le poste d’envoyée spéciale pour la préservation de la mémoire de l’Holocauste et la lutte contre l’antisémitisme. Mais d’elle, on a eu très peu d’écho.

    Plus largement, nous suggérons qu’aucun poste officiel ne soit associé à une minorité particulière, afin d’éviter une fragmentation accrue de notre société.

    Il est également crucial de rappeler que la religion n’est pas une race. Tandis que la foi, souvent héritée dans l’enfance, peut évoluer ou être abandonnée, la race est immuable et n’est pas sujette à choix ou à transformation. Assimiler l’islamophobie à une forme de racisme revient donc à confondre deux concepts fondamentalement différents.

    Par ailleurs, si les Nations unies et la plupart des gouvernements occidentaux, y compris canadien et français, considèrent que l’islamophobie se définit par la peur, les préjugés et la haine envers l’islam et les musulmans, nous observons qu’elle cible d’abord les islamistes, ce qui est une distinction essentielle pour éviter tout amalgame.

    Plusieurs figures musulmanes influentes au Canada, telles que Nadia El-Mabrouk, Ensaf Haidar et, plus récemment, Fatima Aboubakr, dénoncent d’ailleurs vigoureusement les dérives islamistes. Enfin, exprimer des préoccupations quant à une religion, en particulier quant à ses variantes intégristes, ne relève aucunement d’une « phobie ». Bien au contraire, il s’agit d’une attitude rationnelle, fondée sur une vigilance légitime et parfois salutaire.

    S’il est rarement acceptable de s’en prendre à des individus, critiquer des idées ou des comportements reste légitime. Les récents actes de vandalisme commis par des groupes islamistes lors de manifestations propalestiniennes vont à l’encontre des valeurs pacifiques qui définissent le Canada. De plus, des professeurs ont été suspendus au Québec pour avoir promu des enseignements contraires aux principes de laïcité. Les prières dans des lieux publics, un autre exemple de pratique controversée, suscitent également des mesures correctives de la part du gouvernement québécois.

    Le premier ministre Trudeau n’en est pas à un paradoxe près. D’une part, il se positionne comme un ardent défenseur des droits LGBTQ+ et de l’égalité des sexes. D’autre part, il s’allie régulièrement à des figures dont les discours et pratiques sont ouvertement contraires à ces valeurs fondamentales. Alors que le discours haineux est interdit au Canada, l’article 319 (3) b du Code criminel offre une exemption troublante : un discours homophobe ou sexiste peut être permis s’il s’appuie sur des motifs religieux. Cette exception, critiquée à plusieurs reprises par le ministre québécois de la Justice, révèle une contradiction profonde dans l’application des principes d’égalité et de justice.

    En fin de compte, le problème du Canada ne réside pas tant dans l’islamophobie que dans l’islamocécité : une cécité volontaire et complaisante face aux dérives islamistes, qui fragilise nos principes démocratiques et compromet la défense de nos valeurs fondamentales. Refuser de confronter ces enjeux, c’est accepter de sacrifier les acquis de la liberté, de l’égalité et de la justice sur l’autel du multiculturalisme.

    Romain Gagnon, David Rand, Andréa Richard, Normand Baillargeon, Francois Dugré et Michel Virard Les auteurs sont respectivement administrateur des Sceptiques du Québec et auteur d’«Et l’homme créa Dieu à son image»; président des Libres penseurs athées et auteur d’«Un simulacre de laïcité»; lauréate du prix Condorcet-Dessaulles et autrice d’«Au-delà de la religion»; membre émérite du Conseil de l’Ordre de l’excellence en éducation du Québec et auteur de «Le Québec en quête de laïcité»; administrateur du Rassemblement pour la laïcité; président de l’Association humaniste du Québec.

    Source: Idées | Islamophobie ou islamocécité?

    A House of Commons committee recommends that CEGEPs and universities increase the representation of Muslim professors to fight Islamophobia. This suggestion echoes that of Amira Elghawaby, Canada’s special representative for the fight against Islamophobia. Last September, her appeal aroused a strong reaction in Quebec, and the National Assembly called for her resignation, just as it did in January 2023 because of remarks deemed offensive to Quebecers following the adoption of the Act on the Secularism of the State.

    Although this measure is part of a positive discrimination approach, it is important to ask whether this discrimination, even described as “positive”, is truly beneficial.

    Since Hamas’ attack on Israel in October 2023 and the Israeli troops’ counter-offensive in the Gaza Strip that has continued since, anti-Semitism has been blatantly the most visible form of racism in the country, according to the most recent figures published by Statistics Canada. Although they represent only 1% of the Canadian population, Jews have been victims of 70% of all hate crimes based on religion.

    While we can sympathize with the Palestinian cause, the fact remains that this community is marginal in Canada, while the Jewish diaspora, rooted for centuries, is at the heart of our history. In this context, wouldn’t a special representative to fight anti-Semitism be more relevant, you would say?

    It appears that there has been one since 2020. Deborah Lyons currently holds the position of special envoy for the preservation of Holocaust memory and the fight against anti-Semitism. But from her, we had very little echo.

    More broadly, we suggest that no official position be associated with a particular minority, in order to avoid increased fragmentation of our society.

    It is also crucial to remember that religion is not a race. While faith, often inherited in childhood, can evolve or be abandoned, race is immutable and is not subject to choice or transformation. Assimilating Islamophobia to a form of racism therefore amounts to confusing two fundamentally different concepts.

    Moreover, while the United Nations and most Western governments, including Canadian and French, consider Islamophobia to be defined by fear, prejudice and hatred towards Islam and Muslims, we observe that it targets Islamists in the first place, which is an essential distinction to avoid any amalgamation.

    Several influential Muslim figures in Canada, such as Nadia El-Mabrouk, Ensaf Haidar and, more recently, Fatima Aboubakr, vigorously denounce Islamist excesses. Finally, expressing concerns about a religion, especially about its fundamentalist variants, is in no way a “phobia”. On the contrary, it is a rational attitude, based on legitimate and sometimes salutary vigilance.

    If it is rarely acceptable to attack individuals, criticizing ideas or behaviors remains legitimate. The recent acts of vandalism committed by Islamist groups during pro-Palestinian demonstrations go against the peaceful values that define Canada. In addition, professors have been suspended in Quebec for promoting teaching contrary to the principles of secularism. Prayers in public places, another example of a controversial practice, also give rise to corrective measures by the Quebec government.

    Prime Minister Trudeau is not at a paradox. On the one hand, he positions himself as an ardent defender of LGBTQ+ rights and gender equality. On the other hand, he regularly allies himself with figures whose speeches and practices are openly contrary to these fundamental values. While hate speech is prohibited in Canada, section 319 (3) b of the Criminal Code offers a disturbing exemption: homophobic or sexist speech may be allowed if it is based on religious motives. This exception, repeatedly criticized by the Quebec Minister of Justice, reveals a profound contradiction in the application of the principles of equality and justice.

    In the end, Canada’s problem lies not so much in Islamophobia as in Islamoblindness: a voluntary and complacent blindness in the face of Islamist excesses, which weakens our democratic principles and compromises the defense of our fundamental values. To refuse to confront these issues is to accept to sacrifice the achievements of freedom, equality and justice on the altar of multiculturalism.

    Canada tightens immigration point system to curb fraud tied to job selling

    Further tightening:

    Temporary foreign workers who apply to become permanent residents through Canada’s immigration system will no longer get additional points if they have a job offer that’s supported by a Labour Market Impact Assessment (LMIA), Immigration minister Marc Miller said Tuesday.

    The move will reduce fraudulent activities in Canada’s Express Entry System, which is an online platform that manages Canada’s skilled immigration programs, the minister said at a press conference.

    “We are implementing further measures that will reinforce program integrity and reduce potential LMIA fraud, such as removing additional points that candidates receive under Express Entry for having a job offer,” he said. “This measure is expected to remove the incentive for candidates to purchase an LMIA resulting in increased fairness and integrity in the system.”

    The latest move seems to be a continuation of the steps taken by the federal government to reduce the number of newcomers entering the country amidst rising unemployment and a housing crisis. The move was announced on the same day that Statistics Canada reported the country’s slowest quarterly population growth estimate since the first quarter of 2022.

    Employers can use Canada’s temporary foreign worker program to hire foreign workers, but they often need to prove that they aren’t able to find a worker for that specific position in Canada. In order to do that, they must receive a federal government document called the Labour Market Impact Assessment (LMIA).

    About 71,300 LMIAs were approved by the government in the first quarter of this year, compared to 63,300 during the same period last year. Most applications were for farm workers, cooks, food-counter attendants, truck drivers and construction labourers.

    Some groups, however, illegally sell LMIA-approved jobs at extremely high rates to foreigners who are either outside the country or are already in Canada and are looking for ways to boost their immigration score in order to transition from temporary to permanent resident status…

    Source: Canada tightens immigration point system to curb fraud tied to job selling

    Ukrainian Parliament passes multiple #citizenship bill in first reading

    Of note:

    The Verkhovna Rada, Ukraine’s parliament, has passed the first reading of a bill allowing multiple citizenship, with 247 lawmakers voting in favor of the legislation on 17 December 2024, according to Ukrainian MP Yaroslav Zhelezniak.

    The bill, initially submitted by President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in August, aims to establish a framework for multiple citizenship in Ukraine while setting clear restrictions on who can qualify.

    According to MP Yaroslav Zhelezniak, the bill will undergo further revisions before its second reading, incorporating suggestions from organizations including the Ukrainian World Congress. In a separate vote, 150 MPs supported requesting a Constitutional Court opinion on the legislation.

    The proposed law would allow multiple citizenship in several specific cases:

    • Children acquiring dual citizenship at birth
    • Ukrainian children gaining second citizenship through foreign adoption
    • Automatic acquisition of second citizenship through marriage to a foreign citizen
    • Automatic acquisition of foreign citizenship by an adult Ukrainian citizen due to the application of another country’s citizenship laws
    • Simplified acquisition of Ukrainian citizenship for foreigners who are citizens of countries included in the list of those eligible for simplified citizenship procedures
    • Ukrainians acquiring citizenship of countries that offer simplified procedures to Ukrainian citizens

    Importantly, the law explicitly prohibits multiple citizenship for Russian citizens or citizens of any country that does not recognize Ukraine’s territorial integrity and sovereignty.

    The legislation aims to facilitate the return of Ukrainians who left the country due to the war while allowing them to maintain any additional citizenships they may have acquired. It also seeks to expand opportunities for certain categories of foreigners and stateless persons to obtain Ukrainian citizenship.

    Source: Ukrainian Parliament passes multiple citizenship bill in first reading

    The Muslim population in Canada

    Good graphical overview:

    Source: https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/11-627-m/11-627-m2024058-eng.htm?utm_source=mstatcan&utm_medium=eml&utm_campaign=statcan-statcan-mstatcan

    Canada Wasting the Talents of Skilled Immigrants

    Of note:

    Canada’s ambitious efforts to attract highly skilled immigrants are undermined by a widespread mismatch between immigrants’ qualifications and job opportunities, according to a new study from the C.D. Howe Institute. The report highlights key factors, such as language proficiency and education quality, as well as systemic barriers like the lack of recognition for foreign credentials and complex credential assessment processes, which hinder immigrants from fully contributing to Canada’s economy.

    In “Harnessing Immigrant Talent: Reducing Overqualification and Strengthening the Immigration System,” Parisa Mahboubi and Tingting Zhang reveal that 26.7 percent of recent immigrants – those who arrived in Canada within the last five years – with a Bachelor’s degree or higher are employed in positions requiring only a high school diploma or less. This is three times higher than the rate for Canadian-born workers with similar education levels.

    “The location of study is a key factor driving overqualification,” says Zhang. “For instance, immigrants educated in Southeast and Southern Asia are 2.7 times more likely to experience overqualification than those educated in Canada. These findings show how the perceived quality of foreign education impacts labour market outcomes, along with differences in language fluency and other contributing factors.”

    The report also finds that systemic challenges, such as inefficient credential recognition and regulatory hurdles, further contribute to the issue. The complex mix of licensing and certification requirements for regulated professions creates significant barriers, particularly in healthcare, where many immigrants face difficulties despite the high demand for labour in this sector.

    “The economic costs of immigrant overqualification is staggering,” says Mahboubi. “Overqualified immigrants experience the largest earnings gap, earning on average 46 percent less than non-immigrants with matching education and skills, even after controlling for other factors.”

    The report outlines key recommendations to address these barriers:

    • Revise the Express Entry system to align educational and language requirements with labour market demands.
    • Expand access to workplace-focused language training programs.
    • Streamline foreign credential recognition and establish mutual recognition agreements with source countries.
    • Enhance employer awareness of immigrant credentials and provide hiring incentives.

    “Highly educated immigrants in Canada are not being given opportunities to fully utilize their skills and qualifications,” says Mahboubi. “By tackling challenges and removing integration barriers, Canada can ensure that these talented individuals contribute more effectively to the economy while also enjoying fulfilling careers.”

    Read the Full Report

    Source: Canada Wasting the Talents of Skilled Immigrants