Bouchard: Un multiculturalisme montréalais?

2021/09/27 Leave a comment

On the Montreal and rest of Quebec divide. Those who live the reality of diversity and those who do less. And maybe the rest of Quebec needs to approach Montreal with its greater ease with diversity rather than. vice versa:

Il faut reparler de l’interculturalisme. Le débat public sur les relations interculturelles au Québec est en retrait alors que nous sommes toujours en quête d’un modèle institutionnalisé indiquant la marche à suivre. Et cela en dépit des engagements pris depuis 20 ans par les partis au pouvoir.

Sur le plan des politiques, il s’est ainsi créé un vide. Mais comme il arrive souvent, c’est un vide qui se remplit imperceptiblement, et pas toujours comme on le voudrait. Dans ce cas-ci : c’est une forme de multiculturalisme émergent dont la métropole montréalaise devient l’épicentre. Une vision gagne du terrain parmi une bonne partie de sa population selon laquelle on est Montréalais bien avant d’être Québécois. Suivant cette logique, la métropole risque de se transformer en un électron libre où s’élaborent une identité et une appartenance en marge de l’ensemble du Québec, favorisant ainsi l’essor d’un bilinguisme non officialisé. Il ne s’agirait plus d’élaborer une conception générale de la nation reposant sur l’intégration de tous les citoyens québécois, ceux de la majorité et des minorités, en respectant les droits des uns et des autres (comme le veut l’interculturalisme).

Plusieurs observateurs voient progresser à Montréal une forme latente de multiculturalisme sans programme dont la gestion est laissée aux transactions microsociales et à la vie quotidienne, c’est-à-dire à la mouvance de la mondialisation. Ceci ouvre la voie, au cœur du Québec, à une vie civique progressivement affranchie du cadre national.

Des facteurs structurants favorisent cette évolution : le rayonnement croissant de l’anglais à l’échelle planétaire, la dynamique démographique qui laisse prévoir un plus grand nombre d’immigrants au cours des prochaines décennies, la très forte concentration des nouveaux venus dans la région montréalaise, la fracture à la fois ethnoculturelle et politique entre Montréal et le reste du Québec — une fracture que déjà en 2010 Guy Rocher qualifiait de « dramatique ».

Encore une fois, rien de formalisé ou de programmé dans la marche de ce multiculturalisme ; il suffit de laisser aller les choses. L’administration municipale ne semble pas avoir de vision intégrée de la situation et n’a toujours pas de politique officielle.

Les Cités interculturelles

Il s’est présenté depuis 10 ans une occasion d’atténuer cette fracture, mais on se demande si Montréal en a tiré tout le profit escompté. En 2010, j’ai fait des démarches auprès des dirigeants du Conseil de l’Europe afin qu’ils admettent Montréal comme membre du prestigieux projet international des Cités interculturelles. Quelques intervenants (surtout Gilles Rioux, un acteur de longue date dans ce domaine) ont ensuite amené la direction de la Ville à poser sa candidature, qui fut donc acceptée. C’était en 2011.

Actuellement, 140 villes réparties sur quatre continents participent à ce projet. L’objectif est d’encourager chacune à innover en matière de gestion de la diversité, à échanger avec les autres et à enrichir ses programmes. Fondé en 2007, ce réseau est devenu le lieu d’un formidable bouillonnement de réflexion et d’innovations dont chaque membre peut tirer un grand profit (on trouvera sur Internet des informations détaillées sur le sujet). Qu’est-ce que Montréal a fait depuis 10 ans ? De l’avis de divers informateurs proches du dossier, le bilan serait mitigé. On voudrait avoir l’assurance que la participation à ce grand projet a reçu toute l’attention qu’il méritait de la part des deux administrations municipales qui se sont succédé depuis.

En vertu d’une orientation adoptée par le Conseil de l’Europe, l’interculturalisme est l’éclairage général sous lequel les travaux se déroulent. Voilà une veine de réflexion qui a mobilisé de nombreux chercheurs québécois depuis 30 ans. Montréal, en puisant dans ces travaux (axés sur la conception d’un interculturalisme d’inspiration québécoise), pouvait donc apporter quelque chose d’original au réseau. En retour, elle en retirerait des enseignements substantiels conduisant à la mise en place de politiques originales, de programmes novateurs.

Mieux raccorder la conscience collective montréalaise à celle du Québec est une tâche complexe. Il faudrait d’abord provoquer une prise de conscience, prendre la mesure exacte du problème, amorcer une réflexion puis appliquer un plan à l’échelle tant nationale que métropolitaine. Le projet de loi 96 en discussion à l’Assemblée nationale peut constituer une avancée importante (en dépit du pessimisme de plusieurs démographes). Il est essentiel de raffermir notre identité et notre culture nationale. Sinon, il sera difficile de créer le sentiment d’appartenance et la solidarité permettant de mobiliser notre société autour d’idéaux collectifs. Et en cours de route, d’inspirer la fierté de ce que nous aurons fait ensemble.

La CAQ ne devrait-elle pas s’y engager davantage qu’elle ne le fait actuellement ?

Source: Un multiculturalisme montréalais?

Filed under Interculturalisme, Multiculturalism Tagged with , ,

Will the removal of the Canadian citizenship preference in the public service make a difference

2021/09/25 Leave a comment

My latest:

In recent employment equity reports, the federal government has provided disaggregated representation for visible minorities, Indigenous people and persons with disabilities to help assess how well the public service represents the public it serves. Previously, disaggregated data for visible minority and Indigenous groups in public administration was available only through census data every five years.

The 2020 speech from the throne included a commitment to implementing an action plan “to increase representation in hiring and appointments, and leadership development” within the public service, which was later confirmed in changes to the Public Service Employment Act.

The changes include longer-term and more-complex policies to address “bias and barriers” that impact all equity-seeking groups, as well as one change that will have an early impact for visible minorities  ̶  removing the preference for Canadian citizens: “Permanent residents now have the same preference as Canadian Citizens when appointments are made through external advertised hiring processes.”

There was no debate on this change when the legislation was considered by the House of Commons finance committee  ̶  despite its impact  ̶  because it was included in an omnibus budget bill.

A recent Public Service Commission study on the “citizenship of applicants and external appointments” highlighted the impact of this policy: while visible minority citizens were 17.2 per cent of all applicants and 19.5 per cent of all hires, visible minorities who are only permanent residents formed 5.1 per cent of all applicants and only 1.2 per cent of all hires in 2018-19.

The former preference for citizens was subject to criticism by some visible minority groups because it effectively reduced the opportunities for non-citizen visible minorities. Its removal should ensure more equitable opportunities for all visible minorities at all stages of selection, although other barriers  ̶  such as education, official language knowledge and possible bias  ̶  may remain. Whether this change represents a theoretical or practical change will be known only after a few years when we can compare pre- and post-change hiring numbers.

Table 1 (below) looks at overall visible minority representation, contrasting the total visible minority population, the older citizenship-based benchmark, the 2019-20 employment equity report numbers, and the degree to which there is over-representation or under-representation, compared to the new and old benchmarks.

By way of comparison, the government estimates that the visible minority workforce availability (WFA)  ̶  the share of the Canadian workforce eligible for public service work  ̶  based on the 2016 census is 15.3 per cent based upon the citizenship preference. The removal of the citizenship preference and the inclusion of permanent residents will result in WFA being revised upward closer to the overall visible minority population number following its recalculation in the 2021 census.

https://e.infogram.com/ff0c9445-a9ba-49e9-951c-000bdeab6da3?parent_url=https%3A%2F%2Fpolicyoptions.irpp.org%2Fmagazines%2Fseptembe-2021%2Fwill-the-removal-of-the-canadian-citizenship-preference-in-the-public-service-make-a-difference%2F&src=embed#async_embed

The representation of most groups is relatively close to their share of the citizenship population and greater than WFA for all employees, with larger gaps for executives. The population benchmark shows larger gaps, particularly with respect to executives. Non-identified and mixed-origin visible minorities are relatively over-represented for all employees and executives.

Table 2 takes the same approach with respect to Indigenous representation with the exception that total and citizenship-based populations are identical. It shows relative over-representation of Métis, and under-representation of First Nations and Inuit for all employees, with all groups under-represented at the executive level. The government Indigenous workforce availability estimate, based on the 2016 census, is 4 per cent.

https://e.infogram.com/a1f9d790-ab71-4b2a-b404-c55784a9bda9?parent_url=https%3A%2F%2Fpolicyoptions.irpp.org%2Fmagazines%2Fseptembe-2021%2Fwill-the-removal-of-the-canadian-citizenship-preference-in-the-public-service-make-a-difference%2F&src=embed#async_embed

Table 3 compares the representation of each visible minority by occupational group, expressed as the percentage difference with employees who are not a visible minority and not Indigenous for 2020. Visible minorities are slightly under-represented among executives, more so among technical, with the greatest gap in operational groups. Visible minorities are over-represented in scientific and professional with some exceptions, and in administration and foreign service, although there is a mixed pattern with respect to admin support.

https://e.infogram.com/5167cfb7-82b0-4e3b-aa8c-b91d88155f8b?parent_url=https%3A%2F%2Fpolicyoptions.irpp.org%2Fmagazines%2Fseptembe-2021%2Fwill-the-removal-of-the-canadian-citizenship-preference-in-the-public-service-make-a-difference%2F&src=embed#async_embed

Table 4 highlights the change in representation from 2017 to 2020, comparing the percentage change in representation for each visible minority group with the percentage of all public servants who are neither a visible minority nor Indigenous for each occupational category. Overall, visible minority representation has increased by 35.9 per cent compared with only 11.8 per cent for those who are neither a visible minority nor Indigenous. This applies to virtually all groups and categories, with Japanese being the exception and Chinese having a relatively lower increase.

https://e.infogram.com/95552279-d527-467c-b7ab-1f19c6c393d8?parent_url=https%3A%2F%2Fpolicyoptions.irpp.org%2Fmagazines%2Fseptembe-2021%2Fwill-the-removal-of-the-canadian-citizenship-preference-in-the-public-service-make-a-difference%2F&src=embed#async_embed

Table 5 similarly compares the representation of each Indigenous group by occupational categories expressed as the percentage difference with employees who are neither a visible minority nor Indigenous for 2020 (for the executive and technical occupational groups, there are fewer than five Inuit and Other public servants and thus no reporting). All Indigenous groups are under-represented among executives, with the largest gap in scientific and professional categories, but are relatively over-represented in the admin and foreign service, and admin support areas.

https://e.infogram.com/d73da749-3aa9-46e6-894e-fe1b5c9da026?parent_url=https%3A%2F%2Fpolicyoptions.irpp.org%2Fmagazines%2Fseptembe-2021%2Fwill-the-removal-of-the-canadian-citizenship-preference-in-the-public-service-make-a-difference%2F&src=embed#async_embed

Table 6 highlights the change in representation from 2017 to 2020. Overall, the growth in Indigenous representation has been comparable to the growth of not-a-visible minority, not-Indigenous public servants, 11.9 per cent compared to 11.8 per cent. However, Inuit representation has increased significantly, as has that of Métis executives, with First Nations declining relative to not-a-visible minority, not-Indigenous employees.

https://e.infogram.com/61dccf4a-8190-47db-955e-3a91591073f1?parent_url=https%3A%2F%2Fpolicyoptions.irpp.org%2Fmagazines%2Fseptembe-2021%2Fwill-the-removal-of-the-canadian-citizenship-preference-in-the-public-service-make-a-difference%2F&src=embed#async_embed

While this analysis highlights the differences in visible minority and Indigenous representation among the different occupational categories, it does not break it down by level or salary. Census data for the federal public service shows, however, that Black, Filipino and Latin American workers had the lowest median incomes compared to not-a-visible minority. Among Indigenous Peoples, First Nations have the lowest median incomes compared to non-Indigenous.

Given political and public service focus on Black representation, Blacks are the visible minority group with the strongest representation compared to their share of the population with respect to all public servants, and Blacks have stronger representation than South Asian, Chinese and Filipinos in the EX category. Moreover, the percentage increase over the past four years has been comparable or stronger than that of most other visible minority groups. Representation of visible minority groups has increased at three times the rate of not-a-visible minority, not-Indigenous public servants. In contrast, Indigenous representation has matched only the rate of increase, suggesting more effort is needed.

The public service is clearly making significant progress with respect to visible minority representation. The removal of the citizenship preference will likely accelerate this trend toward increased representation.

Given the expected upward revision of the WFA, the gap between actual representation and WFA will increase despite the public service already hiring and promoting more visible minorities. The degree to which the removal of the citizenship preference results in greater increases in representation will be known only after a few years and further public service analysis of citizenship status of visible minority hires and promotions.

Ironically, advocates for this change and greater representation will likely focus more on the larger gap due to the benchmark change, rather than the progress in representation.

Methodology

Data was provided by the Treasury Board Secretariat (TBS) for visible minorities, Indigenous Peoples and persons with disabilities, based upon self-identification for the fiscal years 2016-17 to 2019-20 by occupational group. 2020 data was compared to 2017 data to indicate changes over this period, with visible minority and Indigenous Peoples being compared against the not-visible minority and not-Indigenous for the different occupation categories on a percentage basis. The formula used: (2020 number of public servants minus 2017 number of public servants) divided by 2017 number of public servants. 

For example, in 2020, there were 99 Black executives compared with 73 in 2017 or an increase of 26. That is a (26 ÷ 73 =) 35.6 per cent increase. The overall increase in the number of executives who were neither a visible minority nor Indigenous was 5,244 – 4,592 or 652; 652 ÷ 4,592 = 14.2 per cent. Subtracting the percentage increase of all executives from the percentage increase of Black executives: 35.6 per cent – 14.2 per cent = 21.4 percentage points.

While the visible minority group definitions are similar to those used by Statistics Canada, TBS groups Arab and West Asians together under “Non-White West Asian, North African or Arab.” “Mixed Origin” refers to those with one visible minority parent. By contrast, Statistics Canada uses a “multiple visible minorities” category to include persons with more than one visible minority response.

While the employment equity reports also provide disaggregated data regarding persons with disabilities, the totals do not match with the disability total (10,622 persons) in the annual reports because one person can have multiple disabilities, making it difficult to perform a similar analysis by particular disability.

Source: https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/septembe-2021/will-the-removal-of-the-canadian-citizenship-preference-in-the-public-service-make-a-difference/

Filed under Citizenship, Government, Multiculturalism Tagged with , ,

New Brunswick appoints independent systemic racism commissioner

2021/09/25 Leave a comment

Interesting:

The New Brunswick government has appointed its first commissioner on systemic racism.

The government said today in a statement Manju Varma’s office will operate independently from the government.

Among other things, Varma will consult the public on the nature and impact of systemic racism on marginalized groups, including newcomers, First Nations and Black people.

As well, she will review previous recommendations, establish a dedicated website, hold virtual meetings and receive presentations and written submissions.

Varma, who was appointed by the provincial cabinet, is expected to produce a final report by the end of September 2022.

It is expected to include recommendations on the development of a provincial strategy to address barriers to opportunity, equitable access to programs and services and systemic racism in health care, education, social development, housing, employment and criminal justice.

“I am incredibly honoured to take part in this important undertaking,” Varma said in a statement. “Having been an immigrant and having experienced racism growing up in this province, I personally know there is systemic racism here that must be addressed.”

Since 2020, Varma has led the Office of Inclusion, Equity and Anti-Racism for the Atlantic Canada Opportunity Agency.

She has a doctorate in anti-racist education from the University of Toronto and was an assistant professor from 2000 to 2008 with the University of New Brunswick’s faculty of education.

Source: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-new-brunswick-appoints-independent-systemic-racism-commissioner/

Filed under Multiculturalism, Racism Tagged with ,

Khan: Why would we ever believe that the Taliban will now be kinder to women?

2021/09/25 Leave a comment

Indeed:

The Taliban have promised a “kinder, gentler” approach after the fall of Kabul – vowing to be more inclusive and humane following the defeat of the internationally-backed Afghan government.

The world must not fall for this charm offensive.

Thus far, the interim government has no women, nor any representation from the ethnic Hazara minority; the cabinet is formed entirely by Taliban members; on Sunday, Kabul’s Taliban-appointed mayor told the city government’s female employees to stay home. The ministry of women’s affairs has been eliminated, cutting off vital services for women. In addition, peaceful protests have been met with arbitrary detention, live ammunition, batons and whips, according to the United Nations. The Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission, the country’s constitutionally enshrined watchdog, has been unable to fulfill its duties after the Taliban’s forces occupied its buildings.

On Aug. 25, the government issued a “temporary” policy requiring all Afghan women to stay at home until its fighters could be trained to respect women. Imagine having 20 years to build an army, but failing to instill basic respect for women during that time, and having no shame in admitting so. As a result, Muslim women in Afghanistan are effectively being told to fear for their safety from Muslim men, their so-called “brothers” in faith. This should be condemned throughout the Muslim world.

Many don’t believe this is a temporary order. Humaira Rasuli – a human-rights lawyer who is the founder and executive director of the Kabul-based Women for Justice Organization (WJO) – remembers that in 1996, the Taliban declared that they weren’t against education or work for women, but that they needed more time to ensure their safety. But while the prohibition of women from the workplace never did lift before the government fell in 2001, women who were the sole providers for their families were relegated to poverty during that time; some were forced to beg on the streets. Little wonder Ms. Rasuli is convinced that the Taliban intends to suppress the advances made by women over the past two decades.

Ms. Rasuli herself serves a case in point. Her organization is crucial for the functioning of civil society: providing robust legal representation, raising the next generation of lawyer leaders and strengthening government institutions. The WJO spearheaded forums for leaders to contribute to law and policy reform proposals on criminal procedures, sexual harassment laws and policies and edicts demanding virginity testing. But their office was raided by Taliban fighters during their first morning of rule. The staff has since been forced into hiding, destroying documents overnight. Three staff members, including Ms. Rasuli, had to flee Afghanistan; others are in hiding in Kabul.

But over the past two weeks, despite the chaos and challenging personal circumstances, the WJO has managed to re-group with a new strategy. Having overcome corruption, conflict and endless challenges in Afghanistan in recent years, it is determined not to give up.

Taliban militants, says Ms. Rasuli, have usurped and are monopolizing interpretations of sharia, or Islamic law, co-opting it for their political ideology around female erasure. IS and al-Qaeda factions, which are rooted in similar ideologies but have veered in even more extreme directions, have rapidly proliferated too, making the threat all the more urgent. So the WJO has worked to form a coalition of Afghan law and sharia experts to push back on such interpretations, while equipping young leaders and civil-society activists with the language and concepts they need to contest them.

They are not hopeful that the Taliban will be receptive to a more gender-equal interpretation of sharia, but they will try – and at least, as a matter of principle, they have vowed not to allow extremist ideas to harden into unquestioned consensus. Even amidst the enormous challenges, they remain committed to the long-term goal of an inclusive government elected through free and fair voting, and to the preservation of key legal structures that safeguard the fundamental human rights of all Afghans, especially women and minority groups.

If only the world showed the same resolve.

“I am calling on the international community and the world to eliminate terrorism in Afghanistan,” said Ms. Rasuli, speaking to me from a military camp in the U.S. following her evacuation from Afghanistan. “So many people have died in this war, so many left injured, so many people displaced internally, so much grief and suffering and now, Afghanistan has been entirely abandoned. Please, for the sake of innocent civilians, support us. We have sacrificed our work, home, families and basic rights to bring peace to Afghanistan. We have built Afghanistan with our own hands. It is enraging and disappointing to see it used as a battleground for warring nations. Neither peace has come to Afghanistan, nor our rights have been protected. I am really disappointed by the silence of the international community.”

Source: https://www.theglobeandmail.com/opinion/article-why-would-we-ever-believe-that-the-taliban-will-now-be-kinder-to-women/

Filed under gender, Multiculturalism Tagged with ,

Ontario Human Rights Commission seeks input on derogatory street, building names

2021/09/24 Leave a comment

Strikes me among all the human rights issues, this one has to be one of the least important.

Not optimistic that this exercise will result in sensible recommendations that acknowledge historical wrongs but don’t erase our history and historical understandings.

And of course, focussing on names and monuments is easier than addressing economic and social disparities between and among groups:

The Ontario Human Rights Commission is seeking the public’s input as it develops a policy statement on the display of derogatory names, words and images, including the names given to streets and landmarks.

The commission says it wants to address what it calls a “quickly evolving issue” that has increasingly seen Indigenous and racialized communities call for the removal of statues of historic figures “perceived as colonizers, slave owners or who advances racist policies.”

It also points to growing calls for officials to rename roads, buildings and other institutions named after historic figures, for the same reasons.

The organization notes such concerns are not new, noting it was involved in a 2018 case that required the City of Mississauga to remove all Indigenous-themed mascots, names and images not related to Indigenous sports organizations from its sports facilities.

It says human rights law has found that images and words that degrade people because of their ancestry, race, or ethnic group may create a poisoned environment and violate the province’s human rights code.

The commission says the policy statement will focus on the legal obligations of organizations to prevent and address discrimination against Indigenous peoples, racialized communities and possibly other protected groups in situations involving the display of derogatory names and images.

“What’s in a name? Often, everything,” Chief Commissioner Patricia DeGuire said in a statement.

“We continue to hear about communities disturbed by the name of a street, a sports team, a building or a monument. This policy statement is being designed to help foster better understanding of the human rights issues involved, and to prompt communities to work together in a respectful way to overcome these issues.”

Those who wish to weigh in on the issue can complete an online survey or email the commission before Oct. 22.

Source: Ontario Human Rights Commission seeks input on derogatory street, building names

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Muslim Canadians Who Won in the 2021 Federal Election 

2021/09/24 Leave a comment

Of note:

The 2021 Canadian Federal Election took place on Monday, September 20, 2021. 

The following is a list of newly elected and re-elected Members of Parliament who identify as Muslim Canadian.

Why does Muslim Link compile lists of Muslim Canadian Members of Parliament? Well, it’s interesting. It is a great way to showcase the diversity of Muslims in Canada. 

As the Editor in Chief, I always enjoy compiling these lists as I get to know more about quite interesting people and I get to learn more about what is happening in Canadian cities other than my own, which is the Nation’s Capital, Ottawa.

I have included information from DiversityVotes.ca about the immigrant and visible minority populations living in each riding the Members of Parliament won in.

Also, based on the research of Pakistani Canadian Daood Hamdani in “Canadian Muslims: A Statistical Review“, I have noted if a particular federal riding has a population where over 10% of people identify as Muslim.

Feel free to send me suggestions for other Members of Parliament to add to the list at info@muslimlink.ca if I have missed any.

Ziad Aboultaif, Conservative Member of Parliament for Edmonton Manning

Lebanese Canadian Ziad Aboultaif served as the Member of Parliament for Edmonton-Manning since 2015. He was appointed Official Opposition Critic for National Revenue (2015-2017), Shadow Minister for International Development (2017-2019) and Shadow Minister for Digital Government from 2019-2020. Ziad is a strong advocate for live organ donations.

About Edmonton Manning: According to DiversityVotes.ca, the population of Edmonton Manning is 121,048. Immigrants make up 31% of the population and visible minorities 40%. The top four visible minority communities in the riding identify as Black, South Asian, Chinese, and Arab. The top four languages spoken in the riding after English and French are Cantonese, Punjabi, Arabic, and Spanish. The countries of origin of immigrants in this federal riding include the Philippines, India, Vietnam, and China.

Ali Ehsassi, Liberal Member of Parliament for Willowdale

Iranian Canadian Ali Ehsassi is a lawyer who has served as the Member of Parliament Willowdale since 2015. He graduated from the University of Toronto (B.A.), attended the London School of Economics (M.Sc.) and received degrees from Osgoode Hall Law School (LL.B) and Georgetown University in Washington, DC (LL.M).

About Willowdale: According to DiversityVotes.ca, the population of the federal riding of Willowdale in Toronto is 118,801. Immigrants make up 61% of the population and visible minorities 67%. The top four visible minority communities in the riding identify as Chinese, West Asian (Iranian), Korean, and South Asian. The top four languages spoken in the riding after English and French are Mandarin, Persian, Korean, and Cantonese. The countries of origin of immigrants in this federal riding include Iran,

According to the research of Pakistani Canadian Daood Hamdani in “Canadian Muslims: A Statistical Review“, the federal riding of Willowdale has a population where over 10% of people identify as Muslim.

Omar Alghabra, Liberal Member of Parliament for Mississauga Centre

Syrian Canadian Omar Alghabra was first elected as a Member of Parliament in 2006 and again in 2015 and 2019. He served as Minister of Transport, Parliamentary Secretary to the Prime Minister, as well as to the Ministers of Foreign Affairs (Consular Affairs) and International Trade Diversification.

About Mississauga Centre: According to DiversityVotes.ca, the population of Mississauga Centre is 124,849. Immigrants make up 62% of the population and visible minorities 71%. The top four visible minority communities in the riding identify as South Asian, Chinese, Arab, and Black. The top four languages spoken in the riding after English and French are Mandarin, Arabic, Urdu, and Cantonese. The countries of origin of immigrants in this federal riding include India, Pakistan, China, and the Philippines.

According to the research of Pakistani Canadian Daood Hamdani in “Canadian Muslims: A Statistical Review“, the federal riding of Mississauga Centre has a population where over 10% of people identify as Muslim.

Shafqat Ali, Liberal Member of Parliament for Brampton Centre

Shafqat Ali is an entrepreneur who has volunteered with youth, including forming a youth sports club, organizing festivals and fundraising for the local hospital, and food bank. He was a leading voice in successfully advocating for the cricket pitch on White Clover Way in Mississauga.

About Brampton Centre: According to DiversityVotes.ca, the population of Brampton Centre is  102,270. Immigrants make up 47%  of the population and visible minorities 60%. The top four visible minority communities in the riding identify as South Asian, Black, Filipino, and Latin American. The top four languages spoken in the riding after English and French are Punjabi, Urdu, Spanish, and Gujarati.  The countries of origin of recent immigrants in this federal riding include India, Jamaica, the Philippines, and Pakistan.

Ahmed Hussen, Liberal Member of Parliament for York South-Weston

Somali Canadian Ahmed Hussen, a lawyer, has served as Member of Parliament for the riding of York South-Weston since 2015. From 2017, Ahmed served as the Minister of Immigration, Refugees, and Citizenship. In 2019, he was appointed as Minister of Families, Children and Social Development.

About York South Weston: According to DiversityVotes.ca, the population of the federal riding of York South Weston is 116,686. Immigrants make up 52% of the population and visible minorities 55%. The top four visible minority communities in the riding identify as Black, Latin American, Filipino, and South Asian. The top four languages spoken in the riding after English and French are Portuguese, Spanish, Italian, and Vietnamese. The countries of origin of immigrants in this federal riding include Portugal, Jamaica, Italy, and the Philippines.

Majid Jowhari, Liberal Member of Parliament for Richmond Hill

Iranian Canadian Majid Jowhari was elected as the Member of Parliament for Richmond Hill in 2015.

About Richmond Hill: According to DiversityVotes.ca, the population of the federal riding of Richmond Hill in Toronto is 110,177. Immigrants make up 60% of the population and visible minorities 62%. The top four visible minority communities in the riding identify as Chinese, West Asian (Iranian), South Asian and Korean. The top four languages spoken in the riding after English and French are Cantonese, Mandarin, Persian and Russian. The countries of origin of immigrants in this federal riding include China & Hong Kong, Iran, Italy, and South Korea.

According to the research of Pakistani Canadian Daood Hamdani in “Canadian Muslims: A Statistical Review“, the federal riding of Richmond Hill has a population where over 10% of people identify as Muslim.

Iqra Khalid, Liberal Member of Parliament for Mississauga-Erin Mills

Pakistani Canadian Iqra Khalid served as Member of Parliament for Mississauga—Erin Mills since 2015. She chairs the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights and as a member of the International Human Rights Subcommittee. She serves as Chair of the Liberal Women’s Caucus and the All-Party Women’s Caucus.

About Mississauga Erin Mills: According to DiversityVotes.ca, the population of the federal riding of Mississauga Erin Mills in Toronto is 122,560. Immigrants make up 55% of the population and visible minorities 64%. The top four visible minority communities in the riding identify as South Asian, Chinese, Arab and Black. The top four languages spoken in the riding after English and French are Urdu, Mandarin, Arabic, and Cantonese. The countries of origin of immigrants in this federal riding include Pakistan, India, China, and the Philippines.

According to the research of Pakistani Canadian Daood Hamdani in “Canadian Muslims: A Statistical Review“, the federal riding of Mississauga Erin Mills has a population where over 10% of people identify as Muslim.

Yasir Naqvi, Liberal Member of Parliament for Ottawa Centre

Pakistani Canadian Yasir Naqvi was elected as Member of Provincial Parliament for Ottawa Centre in October 2007. He was re-elected in 2011 and 2014. He served as the Attorney General of Ontario, Government House Leader, Minister of Community Safety and Correctional Services, and Minister of Labour. 

According to DiversityVotes.ca, the population of the federal riding of Ottawa Centre is 118,038. Immigrants make up 20% of the population and visible minorities 20%. The top four visible minority communities in the riding identify as Chinese, Black, South Asian, and Arab. The top four languages spoken in the riding after English and French are Mandarin, Arabic, Cantonese, and Spanish. The countries of origin of immigrants in this federal riding include China, India, the United States, and the Philippines. 

Taleb Noormohamed, Liberal Member of Parliament for Vancouver-Granville

Taleeb was a senior official in the federal government (2002 to 2007), which included establishing the Cross-Cultural Roundtable on Security. He served as Director of the Air India Review Secretariat and Special Advisor to the Hon. Bob Rae. He is CEO at an online marketplace for apparel and home goods.

About Vancouver-Granville: According to DiversityVotes.ca, the population of Vancouver-Granville is 103,456. Immigrants make up 41% of the population and visible minorities 48%. The top four visible minority communities in the riding identify as Chinese, Filipino, South Asian, and Japanese. The top four languages spoken in the riding after English and French are Mandarin, Cantonese, Tagalog, and Japanese. The countries of origin of immigrants in this federal riding include China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, the Philippines, the United Kingdom, and South Korea.

Arif Virani, Liberal Member of Parliament for Parkdale–High Park

Ugandan Asian Canadian Arif Virani served as Member of Parliament for Parkdale–High Park since 2015. He was an analyst with the Canadian Human Rights Commission and as an assistant trial attorney at the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. He founded the South Asian Legal Clinic of Ontario (SALCO).

About Parkdale-High Park: According to DiversityVotes.ca, the population of the federal riding of Parkdale-High Park in Toronto is 108,805. Immigrants make up 32% of the population and visible minorities 26%. The top four visible minority communities in the riding identify as Black, South Asian, Chinese, and Filipino. The top four languages spoken in the riding after English and French are Polish, Spanish, Russian, and Ukrainian. The countries of origin of immigrants in this federal riding include Poland, the United Kingdom, India, and the Philippines.

Salma Zahid, Liberal Member of Parliament for Scarborough Centre

Pakistani Canadian Salma Zahid served as Member of Parliament for Scarborough Centre since 2015. She chairs the Standing Committee on Citizenship and Immigration, and is a member of the Standing Committee on the Status of Women. She presented a successful private member’s motion designating June as Filipino Heritage Month.

About Scarborough Centre: According to DiversityVotes.ca, the population of Scarborough Centre is 112,603. Immigrants make up 56% of the population and visible minorities 70%. The top four visible minority communities in the riding identify as South Asian, Filipino, Black, and Chinese. The top four languages spoken in the riding after English and French are Tamil, Tagalog, Mandarin, and Cantonese. The countries of origin of immigrants in this federal riding include the Philippines, Sri Lanka, India, and China.

According to the research of Pakistani Canadian Daood Hamdani in “Canadian Muslims: A Statistical Review“, the federal riding of Scarborough Centre has a population where over 10% of people identify as Muslim.

Sameer Zuberi, Liberal Member of Parliament for Pierrefonds-Dollard

Sameer Zuberi, who is of South Asian and Scottish-Italian heritage, served as Member of Parliament for Pierrefonds–Dollard since 2019. He holds degrees in law from the Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM) and in mathematics from Concordia University. He served in the Black Watch, a Canadian Forces Reserves unit.

About Pierrefonds-Dollard: According to DiversityVotes.ca the population of Pierrefonds-Dollard is 108,587. Immigrants make up 38% of the population and visible minorities 38%. The top four visible minority communities in the riding identify as South Asian, Black, Arab, Filipino. The top four languages spoken in the riding after English and French are Arabic, Spanish, Tamil, and Romanian. The countries of origin of immigrants in this federal riding include the India, Philippines, Egypt, and Lebanon.

Source: https://muslimlink.ca/news/muslim-canadians-who-won-in-the-2021-federal-election

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Defeated Conservative MP fears attacks by pro-Beijing forces swung votes against him 

2021/09/24 Leave a comment

I was less surprised by Chiu’s defeat given that the riding has a recent history of flipping than Alice Wong’s defeat after holding the seat since 2008. Agree with Burton that an investigation would be helpful to assess the impact compared to other factors (e.g., did vaccine and masking mandates have an impact given some CPC mixed messaging):

When Kenny Chiu introduced a private member’s bill that would set up a registry for agents of foreign governments, he may well have painted a target on his back.

The bill was inspired largely by China’s suspected interference in Canada and the B.C. Conservative says he was attacked over it in Chinese-language media throughout the election.

Some of the bashing bled into mainstream social media, with one poster on Twitter this week saying “I’ve never seen a more self-hating Chinese person in my life.”

Much of the criticism, Chiu says, misrepresented what that legislation really stated, but it had its effect.

Constituents in his Steveston-Richmond East riding who had previously voted for Chiu suddenly gave him the cold shoulder.

“When I go door knocking … there have been supporters of mine who just shut the door in my face,” said the politician. “There is so much hatred that I sense.”

And then on Monday, Chiu lost to Liberal Parm Bains by almost 3,000 votes, just two years after he was first elected, even as the Liberals more or less duplicated their 2019 performance.

His defeat — and that of other Conservative MPs in ridings dominated by Chinese Canadians, – has raised the question of whether proxies for the People’s Republic government managed to influence the election – just as security agencies and other watchdogs have warned could happen.

Chiu stresses that his issue is with China’s regime, but said online critics implied that meant he was opposed to the country itself and even the race, despite his own Chinese heritage.

He said Chinese-Canadians — even if they ended up disliking him – are victims themselves of such disinformation.

Charles Burton, a former diplomat in Beijing who’s fluent in Mandarin, said he tried to help Chiu by seeking out and warning him about disinformation on WeChat, the popular Chinese social media site, and elsewhere online.

But there seemed little they could do about it.

“It spread like a cancer over his campaign,” said Burton, a fellow with the Macdonald Laurier Institute and prominent critic of Beijing. “He just saw his campaign disintegrating over the last couple of weeks.”

Burton said Canadian authorities should investigate the online campaigns to determine if the Chinese government itself was behind the attacks.

He is not the first to raise the issue. David Vigneault, head of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, said in a speech in February that attempts by foreign states to influence Canadian politics and politicians were among the agency’s “most paramount concerns.”

Bains could not be reached for comment Tuesday, and there is no suggestion he had anything to do with the online sniping Chiu faced.

In fact, the Liberals themselves have been the target of harsh attacks from the Chinese government and state-run media in the ongoing feud over the arrest of Huawei executive Meng Wanzhou.

It spread like a cancer over his campaign

But there was evidence that China’s focus turned during the election to the Conservatives, whose platform outlined a multi-pronged approach to confronting Beijing. That included barring Huawei from 5G networks, imposing Magnitsky-style sanctions on Chinese rights violators and advising universities against partnering with state-owned companies.

The Liberal platform made a brief mention of measures to combat “illegal and unacceptable behaviour by authoritarian states,” singling out China, Iran and Russia.

In what appeared to be a comment on the Conservative blueprint, Chinese ambassador Cong Peiwu told the Hill Times newspaper in August that China opposes politicians who “hype” or “smear” the country. Then barely a week before election day, the Chinese Communist Party-run Global Times ran a story blasting the Tories’ policies, predicting that if the party were elected China would launch a “strong counterstrike” against Canada.

Michael Chan, a former Ontario Liberal cabinet minister who has spoken in defence of Beijing, wrote in a recent Chinese-language column that implementing the Conservative policies could trigger hatred and discrimination against Chinese people.

It’s impossible at this point to determine what factors caused results in individual ridings, but Chiu was not the only Conservative incumbent to be defeated in seats with large Chinese-Canadian populations, people exposed to such ethnic-Chinese media.

Though not all the votes had been counted Tuesday, Alice Wong appeared headed for defeat in Richmond Centre, next to Chiu’s riding, despite having held the seat through four previous elections.

Bob Saroya lost the Toronto-area riding of Markham-Unionville — where almost two thirds of residents are ethnic Chinese — to Liberal Paul Chiang after taking the previous two elections.

They have chat rooms and chat groups dedicated to unseating Kenny Chiu

Chiu, a Hong Kong native, says he has never been shy about his dislike of the Communist government in Beijing. But last April he introduced a private member’s bill that would require any agents of a foreign government to register with Ottawa and report on their activities. It was modelled after similar legislation in Australia and a law that has been in force in the United States for several decades.

Local Chinese-language media ignored the bill when it was introduced but as the election campaign turned into a dead heat between the Liberals and Conservatives, “attacks rained down on me,” the former MP said.

An article posted anonymously on WeChat, and that later showed up on various other online platforms, suggested it was designed to “suppress” the Chinese community and that anyone connected to China would have to register.

A similar story on a Chinese-language site called Today Commercial News said it would curb the freedom of speech of the Chinese community and have a “profound impact” on Chinese Canadians.

In fact, the legislation would require registration only for those acting on behalf of foreign governments or political groups who lobby a senior civil servant or an elected politician. It has actually been criticized for being too narrowly focused.

Other WeChat posts suggested erroneously the Conservatives had proposed to ban the widely used social media site itself.

“It’s very much organized,” said Chiu. “They have chat rooms and chat groups dedicated to unseating Kenny Chiu.”

Meanwhile, the president of the Chinese Benevolent Association, a group that has repeatedly run advertisements backing up Beijing on contentious issues like Hong Kong’s National Security Law, hosted a free lunch on behalf of the Liberal candidate in Vancouver East riding.

New Democrat Jenny Kwan still managed to win the seat handily, however.

Source: https://nationalpost.com/news/politics/election-2021/defeated-tory-mp-fears-attacks-by-pro-beijing-forces-swung-votes-against-him

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After Monday’s vote, the federal Conservative caucus will be 95 per cent white

2021/09/24 Leave a comment

Waiting for the final results and the breakdowns for all parties for women, Indigenous peoples, visible minorities and LGBTQ. In the meantime, am posting some of the group specific articles to date, starting with the CPC:

Only seven of the Conservative candidates leading or elected in 119 ridings across the country are Black, Indigenous or a person of colour (BIPOC) — a share of the total that’s even lower now than it was before the election because some Conservative incumbents lost their seats.

A CBC News analysis of the preliminary results shows the vast majority of the MPs making up the new Conservative caucus — nearly 95 per cent — are white, even as the country’s racial makeup is diversifying. Before this election, nine per cent of Tory MPs were BIPOC.

The Conservatives retained seats in rural areas and picked up some support in Atlantic Canada — parts of the country that are, generally speaking, whiter than others. But the party struggled in Canada’s urban and suburban areas, regions where racial demographics have changed dramatically over the last 40 years due to waves of non-white immigration.

The Tory caucus will be less diverse than the class of 2019 because at least five Conservative MPs — Kenny Chiu, Nelly Shin and Alice Wong from Vancouver-area ridings, Bob Saroya from the riding of Markham-Unionville (a suburb of Toronto) and Calgary’s Jag Sahota — are on track to lose to Liberal or NDP candidates.

A Liberal spokesperson said the party is still awaiting final results, with special ballots still left to be counted in some ridings. The spokesperson said that, based on preliminary results, more than 30 per cent of the Liberal caucus will be MPs who identify as Black, Indigenous or a person of colour.

A spokesperson for the NDP said of the four new NDP MPs elected in Monday’s vote, two are Indigenous.

Under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, the Liberal Party has had a lock on many of the country’s urban and suburban ridings and there’s some NDP representation in cities like Edmonton, Hamilton, Winnipeg and Vancouver.

Over the past three election cycles, the Conservatives have struggled to reach the high-water mark set in 2011 when former prime minister Stephen Harper cruised to victory thanks in part to strong suburban support in the Toronto and Vancouver areas.

The seven racially diverse Conservative candidates who were elected on Monday are Leslyn Lewis in Haldimand—Norfolk and Michael Chong in Wellington—Halton Hills (two more rural parts of Ontario), Jasraj Singh Hallan in Calgary Forest Lawn, Ziad Aboultaif and Tim Uppal in Edmonton-area seats, Alain Rayes from Richmond—Arthabaska in Quebec and Marc Dalton, who identifies as Métis, in the B.C. riding of Pitt Meadows—Maple Ridge.

It’s a disappointing result for Conservative Leader Erin O’Toole, who sought to bring more BIPOC Canadians into the Conservative fold as part of a push to unseat the governing Liberals.

O’Toole stressed the importance of diversity in his Monday concession speech after it became clear that the party was poised to lose some of the diversity in its caucus.

“We will continue to put in the time showing more Canadians that they are welcome in the Conservative Party of Canada,” O’Toole said at his event in Oshawa, Ont.

“Above all, we must continue to show Canadians, whether you’re black, white, brown or from any race or creed, whether you’re LGBTQ or straight, whether you are an Indigenous Canadian or came to Canada five weeks ago or five generations ago … you have a place in the Conservative Party.”

Some racialized voters ‘nervous’ about voting Conservative: activist

Sukhi Sandhu is a former Liberal voter from Surrey, B.C. who backed the Conservatives in this campaign. He’s also co-founder of Wake Up Surrey, a grassroots anti-gang violence group.

He said he has soured on what he calls Liberal “lip-service” and “performative politics” on issues that matter to his South Asian community, such as crime and gang violence, immigration fraud and international student exploitation.

Sandhu said many racialized Canadians are frustrated with the Liberal government’s record in office — and O’Toole and his team failed to capitalize on their disillusionment.

He said that, based on conversations with his neighbours, some Canadians from diverse backgrounds are still skeptical of the Conservatives.

The party’s platform made no mention of racism or systemic discrimination — a red flag for some would-be Conservative voters, Sandhu said. During the campaign, O’Toole faced pointed questions about why “Canada’s recovery plan” had more to say about dogs and animal welfare than marginalized communities.

“People were still nervous about what the Conservative brand stood for. They were asking, ‘Do they actually value inclusion and equity?’ I’m sure many second- and third-generation immigrants were looking for a political home and the Conservative approach wasn’t compelling enough,” Sandhu told CBC News.

“The issues of systemic racism, inequity and social justice — those issues have to be paramount in every party. There’s a responsibility for the Conservative Party to engage with these issues. It’s not just about star candidates from an immigrant background. It’s not about tokenism. You’ve got to understand what your potential voter pool really cares about.

“If you’re out to lunch on this or if you have your head in the sand, then you’re going to lose at the ballot box. On systemic racism, the Conservatives need to wrap their heads around it. It’s about setting the foundation and building trusting relationships, not hollow words.”

Sandhu said he’s not surprised to hear the Conservative caucus in the Commons will be 95 per cent white. He said the party hasn’t built strong relationships with racial and ethnic community leaders in the swing ridings that often decide which party will be in power in Ottawa.

“It tells me the Conservative Party is struggling. You need to develop a pipeline of activists from marginalized communities — and there’s still some concern that this party does not respect or understand our unique identity as racialized Canadians,” he said.

Source: https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/conserative-caucus-95-per-cent-white-1.6185707

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Palmater: The PPC got more than 800,000 votes, and that should worry all of us

2021/09/23 Leave a comment

Not to dismiss the increase, but may be premature to make a definitive assessment given the uniqueness of the various factors involved. But we always knew that a percentage of voters had more extreme views or felt disconnected, with the PPC providing a vehicle for that discontent:

The Liberals held a snap election in the middle of a pandemic, rolling the dice to gain a majority government, and they lost. Although the votes are still being counted, 320 of the 338 seats have been confirmed, and while the Liberals held on to their minority government status, they look to only gain one additional seat. At an approximate cost of $610 million dollars—which does not include the costs borne by Canadians to travel to their voting station or arrange child care while they stood in line for hours—this election, by any measure, cost far more than it was worth. However, the results did reveal a growing threat to public safety that has been largely unaddressed—the rise of far-right groups who have used the stress and uncertainty of the pandemic to gain support.

While most political analysts were focused on whether the Liberals would hold on to their minority government, something else was happening throughout election night: the People’s Party of Canada (PPC) popular vote count continued to rise. In fact, they more than doubled the votes for the Green Party. In 2019, the PPC had almost 300,000 votes. But this election, at last count, the current total is more than 800,000—more than double that of two years ago. While none of the candidates in the PPC—not even leader Maxime Bernier—has won a seat, the party has been able rally the angry anti-maskers and those opposed to pandemic health measures under their far-right umbrella. A closer look at some of those who’ve joined the party include those who were rejected by the Conservative party or gained some degree of notoriety from racist rhetoric, or are opposed to pandemic health protections. And almost a million Canadians support them.

Although the rise of far-right populist rhetoric and groups is not unique to Canada, the federal government has been largely silent about the public safety risk it poses to Canadians—especially Black, Indigenous, and racialized people and women. Hate crimes have increased by 37 per cent in the last year and the proliferation of online hate groups in Canada is of particular concern. According to recent international studies, Canadians are among the most active in online right-wing extremism, which includes spreading racist, white supremacist and misogynistic views, and plotting acts of violence. While the United States has received the bulk of media attention for the rise in far-right ideology and violence in their country, the disturbing fact is, that Canada produces more far-right online content per web user than any other country. The violent inclinations, and ability to wield social media to recruit and radicalize younger Canadians, must be understood more broadly than the current lens of trying to address individual hate crimes: this is a group mentality

The PPC platform contained just the right combination of commitments to speak to those with far-right ideologies, anti-Indigenous views, pandemic gripes and pro-gun attitudes, including their promises to maximize freedom of expression (allow more hate speech); cut funding to universities if they silence those espousing hateful views; cut funding for CBC; cut funding for foreign aide; and lower the number of immigrants and stop the flow of refugees into Canada.

Beneath the surface of these promises are deeply embedded racist views against non-white people which would be bolstered by their plan to repeal multiculturalism laws and cut funding for multiculturalism with a view to forcing integration into Canadian society and culture. This together with the party’s promise to end the ban on military style weapons, is a recipe for disaster that appears to be gaining traction in Canada. While some may see individual incidents of Proud Boys and other white supremacist groups as one-off incidents, we know they are part of a larger phenomenon that is loosely rallying around the PPC. This Liberal minority government must look beyond the politics of the vote count and the fact that neither Bernier nor any of his candidates won any seats and consider carefully at what 800,000 votes for the PPC means in terms of far-right organizing and to public safety in the future.

Pamela Palmater is a Mi’kmaw lawyer and the chair in Indigenous governance at Ryerson University. 

Source: The PPC got more than 800,000 votes, and that should worry all of us

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Latinos vastly underrepresented in media, new report finds

2021/09/23 Leave a comment

Of note (not surprising):

Latinos are perpetually absent in major newsrooms, Hollywood films and other media industries where their portrayals — or lack thereof — could deeply impact how their fellow Americans view them, according to a government report released Tuesday.

The Congressional Hispanic Caucus asked the U.S. Government Accountability Office to investigate last October.

U.S. Rep. Joaquin Castro, D-Texas, has made the inclusion of Latinos in media a principal issue, imploring Hollywood studio directors, journalism leaders and book publishers to include their perspectives.

Castro says the lack of accurate representation, especially in Hollywood, means at the very best that Americans don’t get a full understanding of Latinos and their contributions. At worst — especially when Latinos are solely portrayed as drug dealers or criminals — it invites politicians to exploit negative stereotypes for political gain, Castro said.

That could engender violence against Latinos, like the killing of 23 people in El Paso in 2019 by a gunman who was targeting Hispanics.

“None of this has been an effort to tell people exactly what to write, but to encourage that media institutions reflect the face of America. Because then we believe that the stories will be more accurate and more reflective of the truth and less stereotypical,” Castro said in an interview with The Associated Press. “American media, including print journalism, has relied on stereotypes of Latinos. If the goal is the truth, well that certainly has not served the truth.”

The report found that in 2019, the estimated percentage of Latinos working in newspaper, periodical, book and directory publishers was about 8%. An estimated 11% of news analysts, reporters and journalists were Latino, although the GAO used data that included Spanish-language networks, where virtually all contributors are Latino, and those employed in other sectors of news, not just necessarily news gatherers. That could inflate the figures significantly.

The report also found that the biggest growth among Hispanics in the media industry was in service jobs, while management jobs had the lowest representation.

Ana-Christina Ramón is one half of a team that has been collecting data on diversity in Hollywood for a decade, and began publishing annual reports in 2014. Ramón is the director of research and civic engagement at the UCLA College of Letters and Science.

Latinos account for only about 5% to 6% of main cast members in TV and film, despite being roughly 18% of the U.S. population, her research has found.

“It’s a bit of a ceiling. It doesn’t go over that percentage,” Ramón said, although she added that TV has made much bigger strides in significant roles for Latinos than movies have.

For years, Hollywood executives argued that films with diverse leads don’t make money. Ramón found that they do.

“There’s this idea that Hollywood has that ‘Oh, we can’t do too much diversity, it will scare off the white people.’ Well, it has not scared off the white people,” Ramón said.

Cristina Mislán, an associate professor of journalism at the University of Missouri, Columbia, was not surprised by the figures the GAO found, and noted that much of the growth in Latinos in media professions stems from the service industry.

“It’s important because the more representation we have of diverse cultures and peoples does allow for more opportunities to have richer, more complicated stories being told,” Mislán said.

Source: Latinos vastly underrepresented in media, new report finds

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