Robson: Canada has a youth extremism problem it can’t continue to ignore

Not sure how practical or implementable it is, and existing prevention programs have a mixed record, but focus on behaviours, rather than beliefs is appropriate:

….A practical National Polarization Metrics model

Canada does not need a new bureaucracy. It needs a light-touch doctrine that makes prevention routine. A “National Polarization Metrics” model would use behavioural indicators that are measurable and non-partisan, focusing on coercive targeting and intimidation rather than beliefs: repeated harassment aimed at identifiable groups; doxxing and coordinated pile-ons; credible threats; and violence-normalizing signalling that changes what peers believe is acceptable.

That doctrine should assign accountable ownership. Every campus and school board needs an escalation lead with a clear mandate to consistently log incidents, coordinate support and safety planning, quickly preserve evidence, and trigger referrals when thresholds are met.

Far from weakening civil liberties, this reduces arbitrary decision-making and makes outcomes less dependent on institutional mood.

It also requires routable handoffs. Educational settings should have a consistent pathway for when matters stay at the level of documentation and support, when they require municipal policing involvement, and when patterns suggest coordination or mobilization indicators that justify a threat-assessment channel. Canada’s National Strategy on Countering Radicalization to Violence frames early intervention as a national priority, but it leaves Canada without a single escalation ladder that is understood—end-to-end—across education systems, municipal police, and federal threat assessment.

Finally, evidence preservation must become doctrine. A standardized 24-72-hour capture-and-preserve practice—time-stamped collection, secure storage, minimal access logging, and a consistent referral format—would strengthen downstream deterrence without criminalizing student life….

Prevention must become doctrine, not late reaction

A pluralist society can withstand disagreement. What it cannot withstand is normalized intimidation combined with institutional paralysis—especially when digital ecosystems accelerate conflict faster than administrators, police, or courts can react. If Canada wants to confront its fault lines before they deepen, it must stop treating youth extremism as cultural weather and start treating it as a measurable pathway.

That means building the missing bridge: shared indicators, accountable ownership, rapid evidence preservation, and standardized handoffs. Not to stigmatize communities, and not to criminalize student life—but to ensure coercion and violence-normalizing signalling do not become the price of campus politics, or the prelude to community harm.

Daniel Robson is a Canadian independent journalist specializing in digital extremism, national security, and counterterrorism. 

Source: Canada has a youth extremism problem it can’t continue to ignore

André Pratte: Quebec’s slow disappearance from federal politics

ICYMI:

…Demographics is not the only reason Quebec’s influence in Canada is and will be diminishing, unless the province’s politics undergo a substantive change. Quebecers have not voted to separate from Canada in a referendum, but they have separated in some of their attitudes. In the Trump era, belonging to Canada may matter as a shield against the American president’s nonsensical threats. But otherwise, “les Québécois” appear less interested in our nation’s evolution than ever in my lifetime.

Quebec political leaders invest little time in engaging with their counterparts in Ottawa and in provincial capitals, except when specific files require it. The result is that very few politicians across the country have a deep understanding of Quebec’s part in Canada’s diversity. Additionally, recruiting highly qualified French-speaking Quebecers to work in the federal government is a challenge often lamented in Ottawa.

Justin Trudeau appointed a Governor General who does not speak French, a choice that, in earlier decades, would have been criticized not only in Quebec. There is pressure, for instance from the Alberta Premier, to appoint Supreme Court justices who cannot speak one of our country’s two official languages (guess which language it is?). Because of this lack of leadership at the national level, and as a result of French Canada’s relative decline, fewer Canadians value official bilingualism as a plus for our nation. A 2024 Léger poll showed that bilingualism was seen as positive by 70 per cent of Quebecers but only 35 per cent of Canadians outside Quebec. The Prime Minister’s rosy reimagining of Canadian history has no effect on today’s worrisome reality.

The demographic trends at play in Quebec will not only diminish its political weight. Population stagnation and aging threaten the province’s economic growth and fiscal situation. According to the economists at Desjardins, “the sustainability of Quebec’s welfare state model could be challenged.” Quebec’s leaders and population will face serious challenges in the coming years; their contribution to the federation will be the least of their concerns.

Quebecers’ votes played a crucial part in Mark Carney’s election win last year. But such scenarios, where Quebec has a significant impact on the shape of Canada’s federal government, will become fewer and far between. Because of high immigration levels outside Quebec, Canada is changing fast; in 2050, it will comprise close to 49 million people, many of them recent immigrants with no knowledge of French and understandably little attachment to the country’s bilingual status.

Source: André Pratte: Quebec’s slow disappearance from federal politics

Black and Griffith: Visible minority women are still sidelined in competitive ridings

Our latest. Conclusion:

…In other words, party candidate selection incorporates affinity effects that give preference to visible minority candidates for all major parties in these ridings. Given this, it is less surprising that studies of election outcomes indicate that affinity effects are less important than “candidate competitiveness, Canada’s first past the post electoral system, and local context,” Elections Canada says, because those effects are effectively baked in at the candidate nomination stage.

This indicates positive discrimination for visible minority candidates in these ridings and the possible converse in ridings with lower numbers of visible minorities, largely rural ridings.

While one can make the crude case that nominating more visible minority women candidates would allow federal political parties to tick off two diversity boxes at once, the evidence indicates that this is not the case: women visible minority candidates do indeed have a higher percentage chance of being sacrificial lambs. This suggests they do experience biases in the political process across two fronts, as both women and visible minorities.

To encourage improved representation, the political parties should adopt a transparency approach similar to Senate Bill S-283 would require each party to provide annual information on the policies and programs they have enacted to increase the representation of designated groups (women, visible minorities, Indigenous Peoples and persons with disabilities).

This could be accomplished by the chief electoral officer administering a voluntary self-identification questionnaire to nominated candidates, thus allowing for post-election reporting on candidate and MP diversity.

Canada’s federal political parties may resist this transparency-based approach, but its use in federally regulated industries and the public service for close to 30 years has proven effective.

Source: Visible minority women are still sidelined in competitive ridings

French: Whatever This Is, It Isn’t Anti-Zionism

Good commentary:

…I unequivocally support Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish state, but I have also written repeatedly and critically about Israel’s tactics in its war on Gaza, which I believe have prolonged the conflict and created extraordinary and unnecessary human suffering.

Jewish lives aren’t more precious than Palestinian lives, and any form of advocacy for Israel that treats Palestinians as any less deserving of safety and security than Israelis isn’t just un-Christian; it’s anti-Christian. It directly contradicts the teachings of Scripture, which place Jews and Gentiles in a position of equality.

Second, internal Christian debates about whether the modern state of Israel is a fulfillment of biblical prophecy — as interesting as they can be — should be irrelevant to American foreign policy, which should be based both on American interests and American commitments to international justice and human rights.

But historic Christian antisemitism is rooted in a historic Christian argument, and it requires a specifically Christian argument in response.

Put in its most simple form, Christian antisemitism is rooted in two propositions — that Jews bear the guilt for Christ’s death (“Jews killed Jesus”), and that when the majority of Jews rejected Jesus (who was a Jew, as were all his early apostles), that God replaced his covenant with the children of Abraham with a new covenant with Christians. This idea of a new covenant that excludes the Jewish people is called “supersessionism” or “replacement theology.”

Put the two concepts together — “Jews killed Jesus” and “Christians are the chosen people now” — and you’ve got the recipe for more than 2,000 years of brutal, religiously motivated oppression.

Boller is a recent convert to Catholicism, and she — like Candace Owens — wields her newfound faith like a sword. But perhaps they both need to spend a little more time learning and a lot less time talking.

First, let’s put to rest the indefensible idea that “the Jews” killed Christ. As the Second Vatican Council taught, “The Jewish authorities and those who followed their lead pressed for the death of Christ; still, what happened in his passion cannot be charged against all the Jews, without distinction, then alive, nor against the Jews of today.”

This isn’t a statement of high theological principle as much as basic common sense. Convicting an entire people, for all time, of the crimes of a few religious leaders is a moral monstrosity that runs counter to every tenet of Christian justice.

Second, Boller’s own church teaches that there is a deep bond between Christians and Jews. Last year, Robert P. George, a noted Catholic political philosopher at Princeton, wrote a powerful essayin Sapir, a Jewish journal of ideas, in which he described the relationship between the Jewish people and the Catholic Church as an “unbreakable covenant.”

As George writes, Pope Benedict XVI explicitly rejected the idea that the Jewish people “ceased to be the bearer of the promises of God.” Pope John Paul II said that the Catholic Church has “a relationship” with Judaism “which we do not have with any other religion.” He also said that Judaism is “intrinsic” and not “extrinsic” to Christianity, and that Jews were Christians’ “elder brothers” in the faith.

Indeed, paragraph 121 of the Catechism of the Catholic Church states that “The Old Testament is an indispensable part of Sacred Scripture. Its books are divinely inspired and retain a permanent value, for the Old Covenant has never been revoked.”

I don’t believe for a moment that the Catholic view is the only expression of Christian orthodoxy. I know quite a few Protestant and Catholic supersessionists who are not antisemitic, but I highlight the words of Pope John Paul II and Pope Benedict XVI because they starkly demonstrate the incompatibility of antisemitism with Christian orthodoxy.

But one doesn’t have to agree with Catholic teaching (or its Protestant analogues) to be fairly called a Zionist — a Christian Zionist, even — because one believes in the right of Israel to exist as a Jewish state.

The reason is rooted in Scripture’s commitment to equal dignity for all people, regardless of ethnicity, class or sex. As an extension of that commitment, no group of people should be subjected to abuse or persecution — much less genocide.

In this formulation, a so-called Christian Zionist would also likely be a Christian Kurdist (not a phrase you hear every day) or have a Christian commitment to Palestinian statehood. Kurds and Palestinians have also been historically oppressed, denied a home and deprived of the right to defend themselves.

In those circumstances, statehood isn’t a matter of fulfilling prophecies; it’s about safety and security. It’s about self-determination and the preservation of basic human rights. And if you think that can be done without supporting statehood, then I’d challenge you to consider the long and terrible historical record.

A consistent Christian Zionist would oppose both the heinous massacre of Jews on Oct. 7, 2023, and the aggressive, violent expansion of settlements in the West Bank. He would stand resolutely against Iranian efforts to exterminate the Jewish state and against any Israeli war crimes in Gaza.

Embracing the idea that the modern state of Israel is a direct fulfillment of biblical prophecies and therefore must be supported by the United States for theological reasons can lead us to dangerous places — to a belief, in essence, in permanent Israeli righteousness, no matter the nation’s conduct and no matter the character of its government.

But the opposite idea — that Christians have replaced the Jews in the eyes of God, and there is no longer any special purpose for Jews in God’s plan — has its own profound dangers. It creates a sense of righteousness in religious persecution, and it has caused untold suffering throughout human history.

The better Christian view rejects both dangerous extremes, recognizes the incalculable dignity and worth of every human being, and is Zionist in the sense that it believes that one of history’s most persecuted groups deserves a national home.

And since Christians have persecuted Jews so viciously in the past (and some still do today), we have a special responsibility to make amends, to repair the damage that the church has done. That begins by turning to the new Christian antisemites and shouting “No!” Ancient hatreds born from ancient heresies have no place in the church today.

Source: Whatever This Is, It Isn’t Anti-Zionism

Immigration: Vers une campagne électorale agitée

Not going to be a “vivre ensemble” campaign:

…Mais surtout, politiquement, le chef du PQ risque de se retrouver du mauvais côté du débat public. Vendredi, les porte-parole de plus d’une vingtaine d’organismes de la société civile, des municipalités aux syndicats en passant par les employeurs, les institutions d’enseignement et les producteurs agricoles, ont tenu une conférence de presse.

Tous demandent la même chose. Qu’on ne renvoie pas ailleurs dans le monde des immigrants que le Québec a choisis : des francophones, déjà établis, bien intégrés, et qui, le plus souvent, ont des compétences recherchées, ici et maintenant.

En fait, si certains de nos politiciens font le mauvais choix, c’est beaucoup à cause de vieux réflexes populistes qui sont aujourd’hui dépassés. Ils ont encore de vieilles croyances et voient les immigrants comme des « voleurs de jobs ».

Mais tant les pénuries de main-d’œuvre que le vieillissement de la population sont des phénomènes qu’on ne peut plus ignorer. Il faut aussi dire que certaines perceptions ont beaucoup changé depuis la pandémie, quand notre système de santé a été tenu à bout de bras par ceux qu’on a appelés nos « anges gardiens ».

Par ailleurs, même la question du danger pour l’avenir du français tient de moins en moins la route. Aujourd’hui, parmi les immigrants que le Québec a choisis, ils sont plus de 80 % à parler français avant même d’arriver chez nous.

Alors pourquoi deux de nos partis politiques, la CAQ et le PQ, s’enferment-ils encore dans un discours aussi inquiet – quand ce n’est pas carrément hostile – envers l’immigration ?

Mauvais instincts de la part de la CAQ, certainement. D’ailleurs, le premier ministre a un discours nettement différent de celui de ses collègues plus jeunes. Chose certaine, il n’y a plus personne pour reprendre le mantra de la CAQ quand elle est arrivée au pouvoir : « En prendre moins, mais en prendre soin ».

Au PQ, on choisit plutôt les experts ou les conseillers qui disent ce que l’on veut entendre, en particulier sur la crise du logement, que l’on attribue presque exclusivement à l’immigration.

Mais c’est faire exception de nouveaux phénomènes comme les « rénovictions », les logements offerts sur des plateformes comme Airbnb et la mauvaise performance historique du Québec quant à la construction de nouveaux logements, surtout quand on le compare au reste du Canada.

Rien de tout cela n’annonce une campagne électorale positive sur un enjeu comme l’immigration, qui exige précisément qu’on en discute dans une certaine sérénité.

Source: Immigration: Vers une campagne électorale agitée

… But above all, politically, the leader of the PQ may find himself on the wrong side of the public debate. On Friday, spokespersons for more than twenty civil society organizations, from municipalities to unions to employers, educational institutions and agricultural producers, held a press conference.

They all ask for the same thing. That we do not send elsewhere in the world of immigrants that Quebec has chosen: Francophones, already established, well integrated, and who, most often, have skills sought after, here and now.

In fact, if some of our politicians make the wrong choice, it is much because of old populist reflexes that are now outdated. They still have old beliefs and see immigrants as “job thieves”.

But both labor shortages and an aging population are phenomena that can no longer be ignored. It must also be said that some perceptions have changed a lot since the pandemic, when our health system was held at arm’s length by those we called our “guardian angels”.

Moreover, even the question of the danger to the future of the Frenchman holds less and less. Today, among the immigrants that Quebec has chosen, more than 80% speak French before they even arrive at home.

So why do two of our political parties, the CAQ and the PQ, still lock themselves in such a worried speech – when it is not downright hostile – towards immigration?

Bad instincts on the part of the CAQ, certainly. Moreover, the Prime Minister has a very different speech from that of his younger colleagues. One thing is certain, there is no one left to take up the mantra of the CAQ when it came to power: “Take less, but take care of it”.

In the PQ, we choose instead the experts or advisors who say what we want to hear, especially on the housing crisis, which is attributed almost exclusively to immigration.

But this is an exception to new phenomena such as “renovations”, housing offered on platforms such as Airbnb and Quebec’s poor historical performance in the construction of new housing, especially when compared to the rest of Canada.

None of this announces a positive election campaign on an issue such as immigration, which precisely requires that it be discussed with a certain serenity.

People from African, Caribbean countries face harsher treatment by immigration system, study finds

Think this study needs more context in understanding the differences as some of this may reflect valid risk factors:

…CBSA data cited in the report and obtained by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch under freedom-of-information laws show that in 2019, the majority of detainees held for a month or longer were from African and Caribbean countries. 

Publicly available data from the CBSA and the Immigration and Refugee Board indicate that the overall number of people held in immigration detention, as well as the length of their detention, has declined in recent years: the vast majority of detainees are released within 30 days, the study notes.

However, over the past decade, nearly 60,000 people – including hundreds of children – have been placed in immigration detention, the study’s analysis of Canada Border Services Agency data found.

The CBSA can detain non-citizens, including permanent residents and foreign nationals, who are believed to be inadmissible to Canada. The factors the border agency considers include whether the person may pose a public-safety risk or is a possible flight risk.

Over that past decade, fewer than 10 per cent of immigration detainees were arrested because they were deemed a danger to the public or because of serious criminality, the data show. 

The same proportion were held because of questions about their identity documents or because a border agent needed more information to complete an immigration examination.

The vast majority – around 80 per cent – were held because border agents deemed them unlikely to appear at future immigration proceedings. 

Source: People from African, Caribbean countries face harsher treatment by immigration system, study finds

Douglas Todd: Taiwanese-Canadians navigate ‘tricky’ relations with people from China

Interesting snippet:

…“At a domestic level in Canada, Liu said people from Taiwan and China rarely interact.

Many Taiwanese people attend giant Ling Yen Mountain Temple in Richmond, visible from Highway 99. The Canadian census says about 18 per cent of Taiwanese Canadians are Buddhist, 22 per cent are Christian, and 64 per cent are non-religious.

Even though there is next to no mingling at social, cultural or religious events in Canada, said Liu, people from China and Taiwan often engage through business.

For instance, Liu said the founder of the largest Asian grocery store chain in Canada, T&T Supermarket, is Cindy Lee, a Canadian resident born in Taiwan. Liu said many people from China shop at T&T Supermarket’s more than 38 stores. …

Source: “Douglas Todd: Taiwanese-Canadians navigate ‘tricky’ relations with people from China”

StatsCan Study: Portrait of the Chinese populations in Canada

Another interesting report:

A new in-depth analytical portrait released today explores the diversity of individuals in Canada who reported being Chinese in the census, including information on where they were born and live, their age, language, immigration characteristics, religion, education, job, income and experiences of social inclusion. It breaks down many characteristics by place of birth to provide a deeper understanding of the diversity of experiences and outcomes within Chinese populations.

This is the fourth in a series of portraits on racialized groups in Canada, developed by Statistics Canada in support of Canada’s Anti-Racism Strategy. The previous portraits are The Diversity of the Black Populations in Canada, 2021: A Sociodemographic PortraitPortrait of the Arab Populations in Canada: Diversity and Socioeconomic Outcomes and Portrait of the South Asian Populations in Canada: Diversity and Socioeconomic Outcomes.

The analysis in this release is based on the 2021 Census of Population, unless otherwise specified.

Nearly 5% of the Canadian population reports being Chinese

Chinese populations in Canada numbered 1.7 million people in 2021 and made up 4.7% of the total population of Canada. They were the second-largest racialized group in Canada after the South Asian populations. The size of the Chinese populations more than doubled from 1996 to 2021.

About half of Chinese populations in Canada were born in China

In 2021, about half of Chinese populations in Canada were born in China and about half were born in other places. More than one-quarter of Chinese populations were born in Canada, while other common places of birth were Hong Kong, Southeast Asia and Taiwan. For Chinese individuals living in Canada who were born in Southeast Asia, Vietnam was the most common country of birth.

Among Chinese immigrants, places of birth differed by period of immigration. Among Chinese immigrants who immigrated to Canada during the period from 1970 to 1996, just over one-third (34.2%) were born in China, while the majority were born in Hong Kong (40.1%), Southeast Asia (13.0%) and Taiwan (7.1%). In contrast, 86.8% of Chinese immigrants who immigrated to Canada during the period from 1998 to 2021 were born in China.

Nearly two-thirds of the Chinese populations who immigrated to Canada from 1980 to 2021 are economic immigrants

Chinese immigrants who had immigrated to Canada since 1980 and were living in the country in 2021 were mainly either economic immigrants (64.9%) or sponsored by family (28.7%). However, among Chinese immigrants during this period who were born in Southeast Asia, 42.0% were economic immigrants while one-quarter (25.1%) were refugees.

More than two-thirds of individuals who report being Chinese live in Toronto and Vancouver 

Over two-thirds of the Chinese populations in Canada lived in the census metropolitan areas (CMAs) of Toronto (39.6%) and Vancouver (29.9%) in 2021. There were some variations by place of birth; for example, the majority (58.1%) of the Chinese populations in Canada who were born in Taiwan lived in Vancouver (Chart 2).

Chinese populations in Canada made up nearly one-fifth of the population of the CMA of Vancouver (19.6%) and just over one-tenth of the population of the CMA of Toronto (11.1%). Within the Vancouver CMA, the majority (54.3%) of the population in the census subdivision (CSD) (municipality) of Richmond was Chinese, as was one-third (33.3%) of the population in the CSD of Burnaby. Within the Toronto CMA, Chinese populations made up nearly half (47.9%) of the population in the CSD of Markham and just under one-third (31.9%) of the population in the CSD of Richmond Hill.

Over 70% of individuals in Canada who reported being Chinese have no religion or have secular perspectives, but this differs by place of birth

In 2021, the share of the Chinese populations who had no religion or had secular perspectives (71.7%) was more than twice as high as in the overall population of Canada (34.6%).

The share of the Chinese populations who had no religion or had secular perspectives was highest among those born in China (80.2%) or Canada (72.9%) and lowest among those born in Southeast Asia (44.9%) (Chart 3).

The most common religions among Chinese populations were Christianity (20.2%) and Buddhism (7.2%)….

Source: Study: Portrait of the Chinese populations in Canada

USA: Black Immigrant Population Diversifies Beyond its Historically Caribbean and Latin American Origins, New Fact Sheet Shows

As is the case in Canada with respect to Caribbean origins:

Long dominated by arrivals from the Caribbean, the Black immigrant population in the United States is now nearly evenly split between immigrants from Africa and those from Latin America and the Caribbean. This demographic shift has implications for communities, labor markets and immigration policy nationwide, a new Migration Policy Institute (MPI) fact sheet notes. 

Drawing on analysis of data from the U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey, the fact sheet finds that the Black immigrant population, which stood at nearly 4.7 million people as of 2024, has strong workforce participation and English language proficiency, as well as similar educational attainment as the U.S.-born and overall immigrant populations. Eighty-one percent of all Black immigrants have become U.S. citizens or are lawful permanent residents (green-card holders), with another 3 percent holding a long-term temporary visa. 

The fact sheet, A Profile of the Growing Black Immigrant Population in the United States, provides findings on population trends, top U.S. destinations, workforce participation, education, language skills, immigration status and household characteristics. 

Black immigrants account for 9 percent of all immigrants in the United States and 11 percent of the overall U.S. Black population (with the population covering anyone self-identifying as Black or African American, alone or in combination with any other race/ethnicity option in the Census survey). 

These immigrants are concentrated in a number of major metropolitan areas, including New York, Miami, Washington, DC and Atlanta. Caribbean immigrants are especially concentrated in New York and Florida, while African immigrants are more widely dispersed across states such as Texas, Minnesota, Ohio, Washington and Colorado. 

Nearly one in five Black children in the United States has at least one immigrant parent, and the vast majority of these children are U.S. citizens. Of Black immigrant children under 18 years old, about 6 out of 10 were born in Africa, reflecting the growing number arriving from Africa relative to those of Caribbean and Latin American origin. 

Among the fact sheet’s key findings: 

  • The 4,685,000 million Black immigrants in the country as of 2024 are almost evenly divided between origins in Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean. The top five origin countries are Jamaica, Haiti, Nigeria, Ethiopia and Ghana. 
  • While Black immigrants represent just 9 percent of all immigrants nationwide, they have higher concentrations in a number of states, representing 29 percent of all immigrants in North Dakota, 28 percent in Minnesota, 25 percent in Maryland, 24 percent in the District of Columbia and 23 percent in Delaware.   
  • In certain metro areas—Boston, Miami, Minneapolis, New York, Seattle and Hartford—Black immigrants represent at least one-quarter of all Black residents. 
  • Employment rates for Black immigrant men (72 percent) and women (65 percent) exceed those of U.S.-born workers (62 percent for men and 56 percent for women), with many employed in sectors central to the U.S. economy, including health care, transportation and professional services. Black immigrant women are especially concentrated in health-care occupations, with 36 percent working in that sector, while transportation is the leading sector for men (employing 17 percent). 
  • Indicators point to strong integration and societal outcomes. About one-third of Black immigrants hold a university degree (36 percent of men and 33 percent of women, similar to the U.S.-born and overall immigrant populations), and most speak English proficiently, with a much higher share speaking English at home than among immigrants overall. Black immigrants are also more likely to be married than the U.S. born. 
  • Despite this, Black immigrants also face economic challenges and barriers, including having lower median earnings and household income than non-Black immigrants and the U.S. born, and a relatively low rate of home ownership (49 percent, as compared to 73 percent for the non-Black U.S. born and 59 percent for non-Black immigrants). 

The findings come amid a shifting immigration policy environment. Recent federal changes significantly narrowing refugee resettlement and other humanitarian pathways, ending Temporary Protected Status (TPS) designations and increasing immigration enforcement have increased uncertainty for some Black immigrant communities, with a particular focus of late on Haitian and Somali ones. 

“Understanding Black immigrants’ assets and unique challenges, and the considerable diversity within this population, has never been more important,” writes MPI Senior Policy Analyst Valerie Lacarte. “At a time when policies restricting immigration of all kinds are being implemented and misinformation about immigrant communities abounds, the fact remains—and the data in this fact sheet demonstrate—that Black immigrants are generally highly educated, English speaking and significant contributors to the U.S. economy.” 

Read the fact sheet here: www.migrationpolicy.org/research/black-immigrants

Staley: The idea of equity deserves to die

While I remain critical of the role of these envoys and believe that Amira Elghawaby’s activist background was not helpful compared to the more professional approach of Deborah Lyons (activists obviously disagree), this criticism is over the top. And not even mentioning her name?

And greater equity, not just equality, should be the objective, but without some of the excesses of previous and current policies:

Mercifully and at long last, the corrosive movement of DIE (Diversity, Inclusion, and Equity) seems to be dying in Canadian public life.

Last week, the federal government announced the elimination of the Special Representative for Combatting Islamophobia, along with the federal office for Preserving Holocaust Remembrance and Combatting Antisemitism, which had sat vacant since its last special envoy, Deborah Lyons, left the role last July. Both positions are to be replaced by a new Advisory Council on Rights, Equality, and Inclusion.

To be clear, it is more likely than not that the new advisory council becomes an unproductive mess, and the government is clearly not doing enough to combat antisemitism in particular. Ottawa has never lacked for panels that generate language rather than outcomes. Still, despite that likelihood, there are reasons for optimism.

The first is that the former Special Representative for Combatting Islamophobia had become emblematic of the Liberal government’s equivocal moral relativism when it came to tackling the surge in antisemitic hate post-October 7th. Rather than acknowledge that reality, the Trudeau government appointed a provocateur who consistently downplayed antisemitic incidents, advocated for harsher criticism by the government against Jewish organizations, and advocated for radical and corrosive “anti-Palestinian racism” training….

She was a divisive and corrosive figure whom Canadian taxpayers should never have been footing the bill for.

The second reason for optimism lies in the government’s quiet replacement of the term “equity” in its new advisory council with the older, more conventional “equality.”

Equity is not an extension of equality, but rather a perversion of it.

For centuries, democratic and pluralistic societies moved haltingly toward a simple moral standard. That people should be judged as individuals. The law should be blind to race, religion, and background. Citizens should rise or fall based on the content of their character rather than the circumstances of their birth.

Equity inverted that standard.

Under equity, individuals were reclassified as representatives of groups. Moral judgment shifted from conduct to identity. Group grievance replaced personal responsibility. Group blame replaced individual guilt. The very idea of a shared civic identity gave way to a system of competing moral claims, mediated by mobs of activists, and increasingly, by the state.

The Islamophobia file crystallized this inversion. One form of prejudice was elevated into a bespoke federal portfolio, while others were absorbed into broader categories or left to existing law. The distinction was never coherently justified. Its effect was to teach Canadians that equality before the law was no longer the governing principle.1

The removal of the Islamophobia envoy matters because it signals a retreat from that model, and the elimination of one of the most prominent and corrosive examples of moral relativism of the Trudeau era.

The new Advisory Council on Rights, Equality and Inclusion may disappoint. It may produce vague language, cautious recommendations, or even foster more division. But the symbolic shift away from equity, and away from offices designed to institutionalize group grievance, still matters.

DIE is ending because it reversed the moral logic of liberal democracy and, in so doing, exhausted its credibility.

Bad ideas rarely die the public death they deserve. They simply stop being defended, then stop being funded, then stop being mentioned.

That, for now, is progress.

Source: The idea of equity deserves to die