Polansky: The uncomfortable reason antisemitism is festering in Canada

2026/01/07 2 Comments

Hard to imagine these protests, intimidation and disruption being tolerated if against another religious or ethnic group:

…It is only an emphasis on hatred, however, that would conflate these two disparate cases. Moreover, if there are specific threats against Jews that have arisen within Canada (as it seems there are), that is the result of policy failures. And all of these public gestures in the wake of the Bondi Beach attack represent a refusal to attend to those failures.

This refusal produces a number of externalities. The first is the substantial constriction of both public and private Jewish life within Canada. For cultures do not flourish under police protection. The second is the diminution of Canada’s sphere of genuine liberalism. For liberalism entails the tacit promise that disagreements can be managed peaceably via the political process. Not just violence, but the persistent threat of violence, is (as Hobbes would remind us) merely warfare by other means.

The problem then is not the hatred that lies in the human heart (except perhaps in the most generic sense). The problem is the attenuation of genuine liberalism within liberal societies, and this is a general problem. For Jews do not require special protection; they require the ordinary protections that liberalism is already designed to confer.

Meanwhile, the cause of this problem is not hard to identify: favoured groups, either on ethnic or political grounds, have declined to accept the impositions of liberal norms of behaviour, as both Muslims within Toronto and leftist fellow-travelers have taken to harassing Jewish institutions (and general passersby) as a kind of expanded theatre of the Israel-Palestine conflict.

This is an uncomfortable fact for those who have committed themselves to multiculturalism or general progressivism, and political authorities are understandably wary of the optics should they finally crack down after months of inaction. As a result, both municipal and provincial authorities have declined to enforce the relevant public square laws in the absence of compliance. This is, in other words, a profound failure to uphold basic liberal protections under the guise of liberalism.

That failure, in turn, has downstream effects as increasingly ugly and antisocial behaviours become normalized. Indefinitely occupying public areas opens the way for marching through Jewish neighbourhoods, which in turn opens the way to ripping down mezuzahs from the doorways of Holocaust survivors.

To blame all this on hatred is to avoid the hard choices of governance. It is plain that the reigning governments find it either politically inconvenient or merely bothersome to enforce their mandate to keep public order. But they, too, ultimately answer to their constituents.

The larger question is whether ordinary citizens themselves will continue to suffer rulers who defer the real obligations of ruling to committees, legal counsel, and so on. And it is ultimately the avoidance of those political obligations, rather than the power of amorphous hatreds, that has led to our present situation.

To paraphrase Ulysses in Troilus and Cressida, these daily outrages stand in our weakness, not their strength.

Source: The uncomfortable reason antisemitism is festering in Canada

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These international students in Canada didn’t submit test scores because they weren’t asked to. Now, their work permits are refused

2026/01/07 Leave a comment

Significant oversight in the online app. Lack of user testing or feedback? Students have a case for reconsideration:

…Over the last few months, immigration experts are seeing a growing number of international graduates like Xu being refused postgraduation work permits for failing to upload language test results, losing their legal status in Canada. They have to stop working immediately and face possible removal.

While many have asked officials for reconsideration, others have reapplied with the faint hope that they would get a second chance. 

“It may sound stupid, but I trusted the system, because I’ve been doing my own study permit and visa applications many times over the years,” said Xu. The Chinese student came here in 2016, first to improve her English before pursuing her master’s degree and PhD.

“There’s no reminder or alert in the system to tell you where to upload the language scores. It should not allow applicants to submit an application when a required document is missing.”

Only now did the 34-year-old woman learn, after the refusal, that the instruction on how to upload the test result had been buried on the Immigration Department website on a separate page that few would have spotted.

Students urge Minister Diab to intervene

An online petition has been launched to urge Immigration Minister Lena Metlege Diab to reinstate students’ refused applications.

Although the language requirement took effect in late 2024, Vancouver immigration lawyer Will Tao said the issue only emerged this fall due to excessive processing delays. It currently takes more than 210 days for work permit applications submitted inside Canada.

Despite what the Immigration Department called the “technical limitations” that prevent the application portal from installing a new direct upload field for language test proof, Tao is baffled as to why officials can’t just put a simple note there to inform applicants where to upload it.

“That appears only in a separate policy document that does require a lot of searching and digging to find,” he noted. “It’s all automated and now people are getting refused en masse for not uploading a document that you didn’t ask me to upload.”

(Soon after the Star’s inquiry to the Immigration Department about these refusals based on missing language proficiency proofs, Tao noted that officials had placed the upload information on three other webpages, but still not on the application portal.) 

Hundreds of permit applications refused

The department said it has received 162,000 postgraduation work permit applications since the inception of the mandatory language requirement; 815 had been refused up to September due to missing documents that may include the language proficiency proof…

Source: These international students in Canada didn’t submit test scores because they weren’t asked to. Now, their work permits are refused

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Elkouri: Quand le populisme a la cote

2026/01/07 Leave a comment

More on the lack of grandfathering/grandmothering of those impacted by Quebec’s cancellation of the PEQ (equivalent of PGWP):

…On pourrait croire que de passer de 100 % à 50 % sur l’échelle du bouc émissaire, c’est une façon de mettre de l’eau dans son vin ou d’épargner un peu le bouc. Le fait est que cette cote revue à la baisse est à certains égards encore plus grossière. Car en répondant à la question de Jean-René Dufort, le premier ministre ne s’en est pas pris aux politiques d’immigration, mais bien aux immigrants eux-mêmes.

Dans le contexte de la suppression du PEQ, on parle d’étudiants et de travailleurs francophones ou francisés que le Québec a tenté de séduire à coups de campagnes publicitaires et de missions de recrutement à l’étranger avant de rompre inopinément ses engagements. Des gens qui contribuent déjà à la société québécoise, que ce soit dans le domaine de la recherche scientifique, où l’on compte une majorité d’étudiants étrangers, ou sur le marché du travail. Dans nos hôpitaux, nos CHSLD, nos écoles, nos garderies… Les inviter à déposer leurs rêves au Québec pour ensuite leur fermer la porte au nez en les accusant d’être responsables de 50 % des maux de la société, c’est pour le moins injuste.

Le gouvernement a évidemment le droit d’adopter de nouvelles règles d’immigration plus restrictives. Mais il a aussi le devoir de tenir parole. 

Dans ce cas, cela veut dire au minimum de prévoir des mesures transitoires pour les orphelins du PEQ déjà installés au Québec et plongés dans la détresse et l’incertitude.

« Je me sens jetable, je me sens trahie, et je me sens profondément blessée », confiait une orpheline du PEQ à ma collègue Suzanne Colpron2. De telles histoires crève-cœur se suivent et se ressemblent depuis novembre. Je croule moi-même sous les témoignages. Les dénonciations sont quasi unanimes.

Une pétition qui a récolté 26 000 signatures en un temps record a été déposée à l’Assemblée nationale. Du maire Bruno Marchand à la mairesse Soraya Martinez Ferrada en passant par le maire de Trois-Rivières, Jean-François Aubin, et l’ex-ministre péquiste Louise Harel, du député solidaire Guillaume Cliche-Rivard au député libéral André A. Morin, des chambres de commerce aux cégeps et aux universités, des experts aux citoyens solidaires, on ne compte plus le nombre de voix qui s’élèvent pour dénoncer cette injustice et réclamer une clause de droits acquis.

À ces voix indignées, il faut aussi ajouter celles de 25 retraités du ministère québécois de l’Immigration, libres de dire tout haut ce que leurs anciens collègues, tenus à un devoir de réserve, doivent penser tout bas. Dans une lettre ouverte publiée avant Noël, ils demandent au gouvernement de faire preuve de décence envers ceux qui étaient admissibles à ce programme avant son abolition3.

Jusqu’à présent, le gouvernement Legault a refusé de les entendre. Pour respecter ses nouveaux seuils d’immigration sans obtenir 0 sur 10 en matière de promesses tenues, des solutions sont pourtant possibles. Le premier ministre pourrait s’inspirer de ce que l’ex-ministre de l’Immigration Christine Fréchette préconisait elle-même en 2023 : placer les candidats au volet « diplômés » du PEQ hors seuils….

Source: Quand le populisme a la cote

… One might think that going from 100% to 50% on the scapegoat scale is a way to put water in your wine or spare the goat a little. The fact is that this revised downward rating is in some respects even coarser. Because by answering Jean-René Dufort’s question, the Prime Minister did not go against immigration policies, but on immigrants themselves.

In the context of the abolition of the PEQ, we are talking about Francophone or French-speaking students and workers whom Quebec tried to seduce with advertising campaigns and recruitment missions abroad before breaking its commitments unexpectedly. People who already contribute to Quebec society, whether in the field of scientific research, where there is a majority of foreign students, or in the labor market. In our hospitals, our CHSLD, our schools, our daycare centers… Inviting them to drop off their dreams in Quebec and then close the door in their face by accusing them of being responsible for 50% of society’s ills, it is unfair to say the least.

The government obviously has the right to adopt new, more restrictive immigration rules. But he also has a duty to keep his word.

In this case, it means at least to provide for transitional measures for PEQ orphans already settled in Quebec and plunged into distress and uncertainty.

“I feel disposable, I feel betrayed, and I feel deeply hurt,” confided an orphan of the PEQ to my colleague Suzanne Colpron2. Such heartbreaking stories follow one after the other and have been similar since November. I myself collapse under the testimonies. The denunciations are almost unanimous.

A petition that collected 26,000 signatures in record time was filed with the National Assembly. From Mayor Bruno Marchand to Mayor Soraya Martinez Ferrada, through the Mayor of Trois-Rivières, Jean-François Aubin, and former Péquista Minister Louise Harel, from Solidarity MP Guillaume Cliche-Rivard to Liberal MP André A. Morin, from chambers of commerce to CEGEPs and universities, from experts to citizens of solidarity, we can no longer count the number of votes that rise to denounce this injustice and claim a clause of acquired rights.

To these indignant voices, we must also add those of 25 retirees of the Quebec Ministry of Immigration, free to say out loud what their former colleagues, bound by a duty of reserve, must think in a low voice. In an open letter published before Christmas, they call on the government to show decency to those who were eligible for this program before its abolition.3

So far, the Legault government has refused to hear them. To respect its new immigration thresholds without getting 0 out of 10 in terms of promises kept, solutions are nevertheless possible. The Prime Minister could be inspired by what former Minister of Immigration Christine Fréchette herself recommended in 2023: placing candidates for the “graduate” component of the PEQ outside the thresholds….

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Robert Brym: Avi Lewis and Independent Jewish Voices are gaslighting Canadians about antisemitism

2026/01/06 Leave a comment

Needed dose of reality:

…Some white people use the N-word, despite the fact that doing so is deeply offensive to Black people. Black people are entitled to call such individuals racists. By the same token, anti-Zionists may think it’s legitimate to call for the destruction of the Jewish state in Israel. However, most Jews are entitled to call such people antisemites because, for them, support for the existence of the Jewish state is part of what it means to be a Jew.

Finally, based on the results of a 2024 survey, Lewis and Balsam assert that 49 per cent of Canada’s Jews are not Zionists. This claim is misleading. The poll found that 51 per cent of Canadian Jews consider themselves to be Zionists, 15 per cent express ambivalence about referring to themselves as Zionists, seven per cent say they “don’t know” and 27 per cent say they are not Zionists. However, the survey also found that 94 per cent of Canadian Jews support the existence of Israel as a Jewish state.

According to standard dictionaries and general encyclopedias, Zionists are people who support the existence of a Jewish state in the Jews’ ancestral homeland. Such supporters remain Zionists even if, like me, they favour the creation of a demilitarized Palestinian state, oppose the extent of Israel’s military actions in Gaza, express outrage at Jewish settler attacks on Palestinian civilians in the West Bank and support equal rights for all citizens of Israel, including Arabs. 

What, then, does it mean when 94 per cent of Canadian Jews are Zionists by the dictionary definition yet 49 per cent of them decline to call themselves Zionists? 

I decided to find out by conducting a follow-up survey in 2025 asking the participants in the 2024 poll to clarify the matter. The follow-up revealed that many participants are reluctant to call themselves Zionists because the term has developed a strongly negative connotation, under the weight of frequent and often extreme attacks against everything connected to Israel in the media, schools, universities, workplaces and in the streets. 

Nearly all Canadian Jews are Zionists by the dictionary definition, but nearly half of them don’t want to be called Zionists because the term has become a pejorative. According to the poll, a mere one per cent of Canadian Jews say they are anti-Zionists like Lewis and Balsam.

It seems clear that Lewis and Balsam’s interpretations are guided by ideological animus. Antisemitism is a major problem in Canada. Rhetoric and actions denying the right of Israel to exist as a Jewish state are antisemitic according to the great majority of Canadian Jews. With the exception of a tiny minority, including Lewis and Balsam, Canadian Jews remain steadfast in their support for a Jewish state in the Jews’ ancestral homeland.

Source: Robert Brym: Avi Lewis and Independent Jewish Voices are gaslighting Canadians about antisemitism

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ICYMI: L’Algérie réforme sa loi sur la citoyenneté dans la controverse

2026/01/06 Leave a comment

Of note, with likely impact on those of Algerian descent in Canada (about 90,000 according to the 2021 census):

Sous couvert d’une réforme visant à faire face aux « nouveaux défis sécuritaires », les élus algériens ont voté le 24 décembre dernier pour une modification de la loi sur la citoyenneté qui vise à faciliter la déchéance de nationalité de citoyens accusés de porter atteinte aux intérêts de l’État algérien.

La mesure est perçue comme une menace pour les diasporas algériennes partout dans le monde. Elles voient, dans la démarche, une nouvelle arme répressive ciblant une opposition et une dissidence au régime autoritaire du président Abdelmadjid Tebboune, forcées depuis plusieurs années de s’exprimer depuis l’étranger.

« Le message envoyé à la communauté internationale et aux opposants du régime en exil est d’une clarté brutale, a commenté un des membres de cette diaspora vivant au Royaume-Uni sur les réseaux sociaux cette semaine. [Cette mesure] est une preuve incontestable que toute opposition au régime militaire est assimilée à une opposition à l’État algérien lui-même, dans une confusion volontaire entre institutions de l’État et le régime. Elle est aussi la preuve que la seule opposition tolérée en Algérie est celle qui est contrôlée, encadrée ou neutralisée par le régime. »

Porté par le député Hicham Sifer du Rassemblement national démocratique, troisième parti en importance sur l’échiquier politique algérien, et formation proche de la présidence, l’amendement voté mercredi dernier par l’Assemblée populaire nationale élargit ainsi les motifs de révocation de la nationalité algérienne pour les citoyens binationaux. Elle inscrit désormais cette déchéance pour « atteinte à la sécurité ou à l’unité de l’État », « allégeance à une puissance étrangère », « fourniture de services à un État étranger dans l’intention de nuire aux intérêts nationaux », « assistance à des forces militaires étrangères » ou encore pour « participation, y compris financière ou propagandiste, à des organisations terroristes ou subversives à l’étranger ».

Le ministre algérien de la Justice, Lotfi Boudjemaa, a qualifié ce texte d’une « grande importance » en rappelant qu’il « vise à faire face à ceux qui, de l’extérieur du territoire national, veulent porter atteinte à la nation, manquant ainsi à leur devoir éthique et légal vis-à-vis de la mère patrie ».

Source: L’Algérie réforme sa loi sur la citoyenneté dans la controverse

Under the guise of a reform to face the “new security challenges”, Algerian elected officials voted on December 24 for an amendment to the citizenship law that aims to facilitate the deprivation of nationality of citizens accused of harming the interests of the Algerian State.

The measure is perceived as a threat to Algerian diasporas around the world. They see, in the approach, a new repressive weapon targeting opposition and dissent to the authoritarian regime of President Abdelmadjid Tebboune, forced for several years to speak from abroad.

“The message sent to the international community and opponents of the regime in exile is of brutal clarity,” commented one of the members of this diaspora living in the United Kingdom on social networks this week. [This measure] is indisputable proof that any opposition to the military regime is assimilated to an opposition to the Algerian State itself, in a voluntary confusion between state institutions and the regime. It is also proof that the only opposition tolerated in Algeria is the one that is controlled, supervised or neutralized by the regime. ”

Carried by Deputy Hicham Sifer of the National Democratic Rally, the third largest party on the Algerian political chessboard, and a formation close to the presidency, the amendment voted last Wednesday by the National People’s Assembly thus expands the grounds for the revocation of Algerian nationality for binational citizens. It now registers this forfeiture for “undermining the security or unity of the State”, “allegiance to a foreign power”, “provision of services to a foreign State with the intention of harming national interests”, “assistance to foreign military forces” or for “participation, including financial or propaganda, in terrorist organizations or Subversive abroad”.

The Algerian Minister of Justice, Lotfi Boudjemaa, described this text as “of great importance” by recalling that it “aims to face those who, from outside the national territory, want to harm the nation, thus failing in their ethical and legal duty towards the motherland”.

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See attractions, get attracted: This is one way Canada is trying to help new immigrants decide to stay

2026/01/06 Leave a comment

More coverage for the latest “Leaky Bucket” report (catching up on the report issued last November, CBC only covered this week):

…Highly educated immigrants are leaving faster than those with lower education levels, while those with doctorates are more than twice as likely to leave as those with a secondary education or less, according to the report.

But ICC research shows the antidote to the skilled immigrant exodus is a sense of belonging and optimism about life in Canada, the factor most closely tied to whether newcomers stay long term.

While financial struggles and concerns push many to leave, the data found that the strongest driver of immigrant retention is optimism about the future, measured by immigrants’ confidence in their personal and family prospects, plans for long-term residence in Canada and belief that friends and family can succeed here. 

Even a one per cent increase in optimism boosts the likelihood of staying by 28 per cent, according to ICC data.

“Immigration is a long game. It isn’t just about inviting people to come to Canada as immigrants,” said Shamira Madhany, managing director for World Education Services Canada. “What really matters is how included people feel and how inclusive the system is.”

The Canoo app, which aims to support and promote an early sense of connection among newcomers, has had more than 420,000 members since it was created in 2010. …

Source: See attractions, get attracted: This is one way Canada is trying to help new immigrants decide to stay

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«Migrations postcoloniales des Juifs du Maroc»: de Casablanca à Montréal, une mémoire en mouvement

2026/01/06 Leave a comment

Of interest and a reminder of the diversity within and among groups:

Ils sont partis dans l’urgence, parfois dans la peur, souvent sans les mots pour dire l’arrachement. À la sortie de la Shoah, dans le sillage immédiat de la création de l’État d’Israël en 1948 et tandis que l’empire colonial français se défait, près de 250 000 Juifs quittent le Maroc en l’espace de deux décennies. Longtemps réduit à une lecture strictement coloniale, cet exode révèle en réalité un espace migratoire bien plus complexe, façonné par des espoirs déçus, des discriminations persistantes et des décisions prises sous la contrainte des contextes politiques, sociaux et économiques.

Israël, la France, mais aussi le Québec s’imposent tour à tour comme les pôles de ces trajectoires fragmentées. Dans Migrations postcoloniales des Juifs du Maroc. Vers le Canada et la France, Yolande Cohen propose une synthèse majeure de ces parcours durablement relégués aux marges des récits officiels, en les replaçant dans le fil de l’histoire récente. « Il faut sortir d’une lecture simpliste des départs et comprendre que ces migrations s’inscrivent dans une vision beaucoup plus large et plurielle », explique l’historienne en entrevue téléphonique.

Professeure titulaire d’histoire contemporaine à Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM), Yolande Cohen voit dans cet ouvrage collectif, qu’elle a dirigé, un véritable aboutissement. Fruit de plus de dix ans de travail mené avec une équipe pluridisciplinaire, le livre marque un tournant dans son parcours. « Je suis sortie de l’aspect entièrement subjectif pour aller vers des subjectivités partagées », souligne-t-elle, insistant sur la richesse d’un regard construit à plusieurs voix.

Le livre rassemble ainsi une sélection de textes d’abord publiés dans des revues scientifiques, que l’historienne a souhaité rendre accessibles à un public plus large. L’ensemble s’attarde sur une dimension encore peu explorée de l’histoire singulière d’une diaspora, celle des Juifs marocains, souvent éclipsés par la visibilité des communautés ashkénazes, issues d’Europe centrale et orientale. Il met en lumière la diversité de ce groupe, sa réinvention au fil du temps et son profond enracinement au royaume chérifien. « La rupture avec le Maroc n’a jamais été une rupture affective », rappelle-t-elle, soulignant combien la marocanité demeure une composante intime de l’identité, transmise de génération en génération.

« Il faut sortir d’une lecture simpliste des départs et comprendre que ces migrations s’inscrivent dans une vision beaucoup plus large et plurielle. »

Parmi les apports majeurs de l’ouvrage figure le recours assumé aux témoignages et à l’histoire orale. Longtemps reléguée à la marge du champ universitaire, cette approche devient ici un outil central pour comprendre les migrations, en donnant accès aux récits de vie et aux perceptions que les archives administratives laissent dans l’ombre. « Sur des sujets où l’on étudie les perceptions, l’intersubjectivité est fondamentale », rappelle Yolande Cohen, attentive aux silences, aux hésitations et aux non-dits qui traversent la mémoire migrante.

La lecture postcoloniale irrigue l’ensemble des chapitres. Les départs massifs des Juifs marocains ne sauraient se réduire ni à un simple attrait pour l’Occident ni à un sionisme uniforme. Israël, destination majeure des premières vagues, fut aussi un espace de désillusion, marqué par de fortes discriminations envers les Juifs nord-africains. La France, pour sa part, refusa largement d’accorder la nationalité à cette population, révélant la persistance des hiérarchies héritées de l’ordre colonial. « Tout cela se savait », observe l’historienne. Dans ce contexte, le Québec s’impose comme une issue inattendue au sein de l’Amérique francophone.

Au Québec, la construction d’une identité sépharade

Dans les années 1960 et 1970, les Juifs marocains sont accueillis au Québec comme des réfugiés francophones. Le soutien logistique des institutions juives ashkénazes joue un rôle décisif, même si l’intégration n’est pas exempte de tensions. La question linguistique devient centrale. Alors que la communauté juive établie est majoritairement anglophone, les nouveaux arrivants revendiquent une insertion en français, dans le contexte de l’éveil du nationalisme québécois. « De cette friction naissent la Communauté sépharade du Québec puis l’école Maïmonide, la seule école juive francophone en Amérique du Nord », souligne Yolande Cohen. Un moment structurant pour la consolidation d’une minorité juive francophone.

L’essai s’articule autour de la notion de « champ migratoire », qui rompt avec une vision figée de l’immigration. Les trajectoires ne suivent pas une ligne droite, mais dessinent un espace de circulations constantes entre le Maroc, Israël, la France et le Québec. « Il y en a beaucoup qui viennent d’Israël, ils sont passés par là, ont été déçus et viennent ensuite au Québec », note l’historienne. Cette logique de déplacements successifs traverse d’ailleurs aussi son propre parcours.

Née en 1950 à Aubagne, près de Marseille, Yolande Cohen n’y passe que ses trois premières années. Elle découvrira bien plus tard qu’elle avait vécu dans un camp de transit, où séjournaient des Juifs marocains en attente d’un départ vers Israël. La guerre qui éclate dans le jeune État hébreu pousse ses parents à renoncer à ce projet et à retourner au Maroc, où elle grandit. Étudiante à Paris, elle rejoint finalement ses parents à Montréal en 1976, après leur immigration au Canada.

Source: «Migrations postcoloniales des Juifs du Maroc»: de Casablanca à Montréal, une mémoire en mouvement

They left in a hurry, sometimes in fear, often without the words to say the tearing. At the end of the Shoah, in the immediate wake of the creation of the State of Israel in 1948 and while the French colonial empire was defeated, nearly 250,000 Jews left Morocco in the space of two decades. Long reduced to a strictly colonial reading, this exodus actually reveals a much more complex migratory space, shaped by disappointed hopes, persistent discrimination and decisions made under the constraint of political, social and economic contexts.

Israel, France, but also Quebec are in turn emerging as the poles of these fragmented trajectories. In Postcolonial Migrations of the Jews of Morocco. Towards Canada and France, Yolande Cohen offers a major synthesis of these paths permanently relegated to the margins of official narratives, placing them in the thread of recent history. “We must get out of a simplistic reading of departures and understand that these migrations are part of a much broader and plural vision,” explains the historian in a telephone interview.

A full professor of contemporary history at the Université du Québec à Montréal (UQAM), Yolande Cohen sees in this collective work, which she directed, a real achievement. The result of more than ten years of work with a multidisciplinary team, the book marks a turning point in its career. “I left the entirely subjective aspect to move towards shared subjectivity,” she emphasizes, insisting on the richness of a look built by several voices.

The book thus brings together a selection of texts first published in scientific journals, which the historian wanted to make accessible to a wider audience. The whole dwells on a still little explored dimension of the singular history of a diaspora, that of Moroccan Jews, often overshadowed by the visibility of Ashkenazi communities, from Central and Eastern Europe. It highlights the diversity of this group, its reinvention over time and its deep roots in the Cherifian kingdom. “The break with Morocco has never been an emotional break,” she recalls, stressing how Moroccanness remains an intimate component of identity, transmitted from generation to generation.

“We must get out of a simplistic reading of departures and understand that these migrations are part of a much broader and plural vision. ”

Among the major contributions of the book is the assumed use of testimonies and oral history. Long relegated to the margins of the university field, this approach is becoming here a central tool for understanding migrations, by giving access to life stories and perceptions that administrative archives leave in the shadows. “On subjects where perceptions are studied, intersubjectivity is fundamental,” recalls Yolande Cohen, attentive to the silences, hesitations and unsaid things that cross the migrant memory.

Postcolonial reading irrigates all chapters. The massive departures of Moroccan Jews cannot be reduced to a simple attraction to the West or to a uniform Sionism. Israel, a major destination of the first waves, was also a space of disillusionment, marked by strong discrimination against North African Jews. France, for its part, largely refused to grant nationality to this population, revealing the persistence of the hierarchies inherited from the colonial order. “All this was known,” observes the historian. In this context, Quebec has emerged as an unexpected outcome in French-speaking America.

In Quebec, the construction of a Sepharmic identity

In the 1960s and 1970s, Moroccan Jews were welcomed in Quebec as French-speaking refugees. The logistical support of Ashkenazi Jewish institutions plays a decisive role, even if integration is not free of tension. The linguistic question becomes central. While the established Jewish community is predominantly English-speaking, newcomers are demanding integration in French, in the context of the awakening of Quebec nationalism. “From this friction were born the Sepharic Community of Quebec and then the Maimonides school, the only French-speaking Jewish school in North America,” says Yolande Cohen. A structuring moment for the consolidation of a Francophone Jewish minority.

The essay revolves around the notion of “migration field”, which breaks with a fixed vision of immigration. The trajectories do not follow a straight line, but draw a space of constant traffic between Morocco, Israel, France and Quebec. “There are many who come from Israel, they have been there, have been disappointed and then come to Quebec,” notes the historian. This logic of successive movements also crosses its own path.

Born in 1950 in Aubagne, near Marseille, Yolande Cohen spent only her first three years there. She would discover much later that she had lived in a transit camp, where Moroccan Jews were staying waiting for a departure to Israel. The war that broke out in the young Hebrew state pushed her parents to give up this project and return to Morocco, where she grew up. A student in Paris, she finally joined her parents in Montreal in 1976, after their immigration to Canada.

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ICYMI: Ontario judge sets aside pharmacist’s Canadian citizenship revocation over alleged fraud

2026/01/06 Leave a comment

Of note, justice delayed is justice denied. Justice Go has an activist background, previously she was director of the Chinese and Southeast Asian Legal Clinic:

An immigrant pharmacist whose Canadian citizenship was revoked in November 2024, a decade after officials first suspected she hadn’t met the requirements, has seen that decision set aside and revocation proceedings permanently stayed by a Federal Court judge who criticized officials for waiting so long to act on the allegations of “false representation, fraud, or knowingly concealing material circumstances.”

Nermine Magdi Ibrahim, who became a Canadian permanent resident in July 2003 and subsequently a Canadian citizen in October 2007, applied to the Federal Court for a judicial review of the revocation proceedings.

Immigration officials were not “concerned about the impact of the delay on (Ibrahim’s) ability to defend her case, nor (her) well-established ties to Canada as reasons for granting her special relief,” Justice Avvy Yao-Yao Go wrote in a recent decision out of Toronto.

“In short, the unfairness with which the applicant was treated, coupled with the unfairness in the proceedings caused by the delay, calls into question the integrity of the justice system if the court allows the proceedings to continue under these circumstances.”

In her citizenship application, Ibrahim “declared 166 days of absences from Canada during her relevant residency period from July 9, 2003 to February 18, 2007,” Go said.

Ibrahim’s “citizenship was initially flagged for investigation in 2014, and the investigation was completed in that same year,” said the judge.

The Canada Border Services Agency had “received a tip about companies operating citizenship fraud schemes with (Ibrahim’s) husband’s name appearing as one of the clients who used these services to simulate his residence in Canada,” said the Federal Court decision, dated Dec. 19.

The CBSA referred this information to the immigration minister at the time for further investigation.

“During its investigation, the case management branch … found (Ibrahim’s) LinkedIn profile which suggested that she was continuously employed as a Medical Delegate with Nestlé Infant Nutrition in Kuwait from June 2002 to June 2009,” Go said.

“On July 23, 2014, an analyst of the Immigration Section at the Canadian Embassy in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates verified her continuous employment with the employer.”

It wasn’t until 2023 when Canadian immigration authorities advised Ibrahim of the potential revocation proceedings and offered her an opportunity to respond.

They argued “that the delay was not unreasonable considering this case was part of a large-scale investigation involving 300 other individuals,” said the decision.

The judge wasn’t buying it: “Based on the record before me, I find that the minister has not provided any justification for the delay,” Go said.

To become a Canadian citizen, permanent residents need to have lived in have lived in Canada for three out of the last five years.

In September 2023, immigration officials wrote to Ibrahim indicating she “may have misrepresented herself during the citizenship process and that (she) may have failed to disclose some of her absences from Canada during the four years immediately before the date of her citizenship application,” said the decision.

She was given 30 days “to make written submissions regarding the length of time she spent in Canada before acquiring citizenship and her ties to Canada since becoming a citizen,” it said.

Ibrahim responded on Sept. 21, 2023, with a one-page letter requesting “more details about alleged absences and stated that she has integrated well into Canadian society as shown in her successfully becoming licensed as a pharmacist, being a partner of two pharmacies, and owning property,” said the decision

“She also argued that the revocation would result in severe hardship and added that all her points can be substantiated with supporting documents upon request.”

On May 9, 2024, Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC) notified Ibrahim it was revoking her citizenship.

“The notification letter cited (Ibrahim’s) LinkedIn profile listing her employment with Nestlé in Kuwait, the Canadian Embassy’s verification with Nestlé’s Human Resource Department of (her) continuous employment from July 2002 to June 2009, and (her) failure to disclose this information as basis for alleging that (she) may have obtained citizenship by misrepresentation.”

Ibrahim responded on July 4, 2024, indicating “that her LinkedIn Profile is not of a factual nature and does not include any leaves taken.”

She “also explained that she was pregnant with her daughter during the relevant period, and that Nestlé had a relatively flexible maternity leave policy that enabled her to stay in Canada for the duration of her pregnancy and throughout the breastfeeding period until her daughter was two years old.”

Ibrahim “noted it has been over 15 years since the relevant period has elapsed,” said the decision.

She “emphasized that it was not only a matter of intellectual recollection, but of documentary recollection.”

Ibrahim “noted the steps she undertook to obtain information from various institutions including the pharmaceutical company she worked for, her bank and her phone company, but was unable to produce records longer than seven years prior due to these institutions’ policy on record retention,” said the decision.

Ibrahim “submitted supporting documentation, including her daughter’s Ontario birth certificate, her Ontario and Manitoba pharmacist licences, document of prior property ownership, an Ontario Profile Report for the two pharmacies she is a partner in, copies of her driver’s licences containing a residential address in Ontario, as well as her and her daughter’s hospital cards containing the same address.”

Ibrahim also “provided copies of Nestlé’s policies regarding maternity and parental support from 2012 to 2019.”

She argued “that the evidentiary burden in revocation cases rests with the minister who asserts that there was a misrepresentation.”

Source: Ontario judge sets aside pharmacist’s Canadian citizenship revocation over alleged fraud

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A look at the workings of Canada’s immigration system — through the eyes of a longtime insider

2026/01/05 Leave a comment

Kudos to Cochrane for writing about his experiences and the impact of large numbers and paper processing:

…“When I worked there, you would give people your business card and you would meet with them face to face,” said Cochrane, who retired from public service in 2015.

“I realized today people don’t even know the name of the officer and they’ll surely never meet the officer,” the first-time published author told the Star.

During his time at the Immigration Department, between 1982 and 2005, the number of new permanent residents Canada welcomed each year almost tripled as public support for immigration grew, unlike what has been seen in the past couple of years.

Officials have moved from meeting clients and the public in person to interacting with applicants via mail-in documents — and now through online portals and webforms. Application processing has turned into factory-like production, boiling down to box-checking.

With the insatiable demand for migration to Canada and a push to digitalize operations, the “depersonalization” of the Immigration Department may be inevitable. But Cochrane said human connection plays a key role in immigration matters, given that any decision made could have far-reaching impacts on people’s lives and a country that’s built on immigration.

It’s through those face-to-face encounters that skilled officers can properly communicate with applicants, assess the genuineness of an application and guide it through the system, he added….

Source: A look at the workings of Canada’s immigration system — through the eyes of a longtime insider

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Immigration department halts skilled refugee jobs program, leaving employers in limbo

2026/01/05 Leave a comment

Another example of the impact of the changes, resulting from previous efforts to ramp up numbers:

…November’s immigration levels plan set out the number of permanent and temporary residents the government plans to accept over the next three years. The plan included specific targets for economic immigration pilots, including the EMPP and another for caregivers. 

The government aims to offer 8,175 permanent-residence places through such economic pilots in 2026, and 8,775 in each of the following two years.

Dana Wagner, co-founder of TalentLift, a non-profit international recruitment company that links displaced people with businesses, said being told about the imminent pausing of the program in a letter two days before Christmas was “very disappointing.” 

“The program has been working extremely well. But this is a signal that the EMPP is not being treated like a serious economic program or a vehicle for talent attraction. You shouldn’t leave employers such little runway to plan and pivot,” she said. 

“Sending a letter right before Christmas when the government signs off for the holiday is an awful way to communicate such a major change at the 11th hour.” 

Several employers that have already offered jobs to displaced people abroad were planning to submit their paperwork to IRCC in January, Ms. Wagner said.

She said those employers include an auto body collision repair company in British Columbia. It has offered a job to an experienced technician from Venezuela living as a refugee in Ecuador, to fill a local shortage.

IRCC delays in processing applications have been “ballooning” and now can take up to 17 months, Ms. Wagner said. Many employers are still waiting for skilled refugees they have hired to arrive in Canada. …

Source: Immigration department halts skilled refugee jobs program, leaving employers in limbo

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