ICYMI: Bouchard | Retour sur le nationalisme identitaire

Another thoughtful commentary by Bouchard:

Le nationalisme identitaire est une forme dégradée de nationalisme. Ce dernier, quand il est bien entendu, exprime un sentiment qui fait aimer sa nation et inspire le désir de la servir pour la faire progresser. Il invite à un engagement porteur de progrès, axé sur des valeurs, des idéaux. Il se traduit dans des initiatives concrètes qui font avancer une société.

Un nationalisme qui nous a bien servis

Notre passé en offre des exemples, qu’il s’agisse du mouvement patriote, de la Révolution tranquille ou du souverainisme. Chaque fois, la nation poursuivait un idéal porteur de grands enjeux. Et dans chaque cas, le nationalisme fut un puissant moteur. À ces exemples, on pourrait ajouter, bien qu’avec les importantes réserves que l’on devine, le programme de la Survivance. Il faut reconnaître qu’il poursuivait un idéal très élevé (trop élevé ?) de pureté morale inspiré des valeurs chrétiennes et soudé à la survie de la langue.

Au fil des ans, les enjeux se modifiaient et le nationalisme se redéfinissait en fonction des urgences de l’heure. Ainsi, à partir des années 1960, le nationalisme rompait avec celui du siècle antérieur. Les aspirations et les urgences ayant changé, notre nation se mobilisait désormais au service d’autres valeurs et d’autres finalités, d’ordre économique, social, politique et culturel. nationalisme identitaire est une forme dégradée de nationalisme. Ce dernier, quand il est bien entendu, exprime un sentiment qui fait aimer sa nation et inspire le désir de la servir pour la faire progresser. Il invite à un engagement porteur de progrès, axé sur des valeurs, des idéaux. Il se traduit dans des initiatives concrètes qui font avancer une société.

Le nationalisme de la CAQ

Le type de nationalisme promu par François Legault et le ministre Bernard Drainville ouvre une voie sans issue et nocive. La notion identitaire qui lui est accolée est floue. Le premier ministre lui-même n’arrive pas à la définir clairement. Elle prête aussi à controverse. Elle peut se durcir, éveiller des sentiments primaires, donner dans le renfermement, l’exclusion et la privation de droits. On a alors affaire à un horizon rétréci, symptôme d’un nationalisme éviscéré qui a évacué les contenus prometteurs.

En plus, ce type de nationalisme ne s’adresse pas à tous les Québécois. On le voit quand M. Legault confond Québécois et Canadien français (par exemple à propos du projet de musée d’histoire nationale). On le voit encore plus clairement dans la dernière politique annoncée par le ministre Drainville, une politique qui élargit abusivement à tout le personnel relié à une école l’interdiction d’afficher des signes religieux. Ce personnel entretient-il avec les élèves un contact continu, intense ? Ici, le nationalisme identitaire glisse dans l’exclusion et l’irrespect des droits.

J’approuve entièrement le texte de Françoise David, Louise Harel et Christine Saint-Pierre publié dans La Presse du 22 avril. Le prétexte donné à l’appui de la loi 21 pour interdire le port de signes religieux chez les enseignantes et les enseignants mettait en cause l’influence néfaste exercée sur les élèves quand l’enseignement se fait endoctrinant. En quoi ce prétexte vaut-il pour le personnel travaillant hors des salles de classe ?

Ne soyons pas dupes. Cette mesure est manifestement le fruit d’un calcul électoraliste de la part d’un parti déjà bien mal en point et dont la feuille de route ne cesse de se détériorer. On essaie encore de raviver la peur d’un islamisme envahisseur désireux de corrompre notre société. Cette menace est usée. Elle a souvent servi depuis trente ans au Québec. Mais où voit-on les signes, les effets de cette agression ? On ne jongle pas de cette façon avec un enjeu qui a des ramifications profondes et légitimes chez certains Québécois.

La laïcité fait évidemment partie des valeurs les plus relevées. À la condition de ne pas la dévoyer.

Dans ce domaine comme dans d’autres, notre premier ministre flirte avec la confusion. Il fait souvent référence à « nos valeurs » et quand il veut aller plus loin, il aime évoquer la laïcité. Mais il y a plus que la laïcité dans nos valeurs. Et dans la laïcité, il y a plus que l’interdiction faite aux « islamistes » de prier en public ou la nécessité de « chasser le religieux de nos écoles ». À ce sujet, du reste, on comprend mal que ce prosélyte d’une laïcité intégrale soutienne le financement d’écoles à vocation explicitement religieuse.

Du bon usage de l’identité et du nationalisme

L’identité peut être conçue de diverses façons. Selon moi, la définition la plus simple, la plus consensuelle, peut se formuler ainsi : un ensemble largement partagé de traits, de valeurs, de souvenirs et de symboles qui créent un sentiment d’appartenance, lequel avec le temps se transforme en solidarité. À ce point, ce genre d’identité en vient à coiffer un rapport social indispensable à toute mobilisation. Il se forge dans la durée à même des réalisations méritoires, source d’une fierté légitime pour l’ensemble de la nation.

Le nationalisme québécois a présentement grand besoin d’une perspective assortie de résonances précises. Il faudrait y greffer des contenus sociaux, culturels, économiques et politiques à l’image de ce que fut le néonationalisme de la Révolution tranquille.

En ce qui concerne la sphère culturelle en particulier, il y a urgence. De nombreuses études et de nombreux témoignages l’attestent. On a parlé d’une « dissolution silencieuse » de notre nation (Maxime Plamondon, Le Devoir, 7 février 2025). Il faut aussi penser aux jeunes qui ont besoin de se former l’esprit, de développer des sensibilités, des aspirations qui en feront des adultes plus avertis et des citoyens plus responsables. Des Québécois plus alertes et plus engagés aussi. Il est urgent de leur donner les moyens de s’abreuver à d’autres sources que les réseaux sociaux et les scories d’une nouvelle culture ambiante stérilisante.

Voilà une priorité sans équivoque que notre gouvernement ignore. Une culture vivante permet d’irriguer, d’enrichir la vie collective. C’est une finalité qui nous élève et qui raffermit les fondements de notre nation. Si on s’y mettait, le Québec pourrait à nouveau par sa culture briller dans le monde comme il l’a déjà fait.

Enfin, le souverainiste que je suis déplore vivement le fait que le chef du Parti québécois se joint avec enthousiasme à la croisade mal inspirée du ministre Drainville. Je croyais que ce parti, ayant tiré la leçon du passé, avait retrouvé la sagesse.

Source: Idées | Retour sur le nationalisme identitaire

Identity nationalism is a degraded form of nationalism. The latter, when it is understood, expresses a feeling that makes his nation loved and inspires the desire to serve it to make it progress. It invites a commitment to progress, focused on values, ideals. It translates into concrete initiatives that move a society forward.

Identity nationalism is a degraded form of nationalism. The latter, when it is understood, expresses a feeling that makes his nation loved and inspires the desire to serve it to make it progress. It invites a commitment to progress, focused on values, ideals. It translates into concrete initiatives that move a society forward.

A nationalism that has served us well

Our past offers examples, whether it is the patriotic movement, the Quiet Revolution or sovereignism. Each time, the nation pursued an ideal with great stakes. And in each case, nationalism was a powerful engine. To these examples, we could add, although with the important reservations that we guess, the Survival program. It must be recognized that he pursued a very high ideal (too high?) Of moral purity inspired by Christian values and welded to the survival of language.

Over the years, the stakes changed and nationalism was redefined according to the urgencies of the hour. Thus, from the 1960s, nationalism broke with that of the previous century. Aspirations and emergencies having changed, our nation was now mobilizing in the service of other values and other purposes, of an economic, social, political and cultural nature. Identity nationalism is a degraded form of nationalism. The latter, when it is understood, expresses a feeling that makes his nation loved and inspires the desire to serve it to make it progress. It invites a commitment to progress, focused on values, ideals. It translates into concrete initiatives that move a society forward.

The nationalism of the CAQ

The type of nationalism promoted by François Legault and Minister Bernard Drainville opens a dead end and harmful. The notion of identity attached to it is blurred. The Prime Minister himself cannot define it clearly. It also lends itself to controversy. It can harden, awaken primary feelings, give in confinement, exclusion and deprivation of rights. We are then dealing with a narrowed horizon, a symptom of an eviscerated nationalism that has evacuated promising content.

In addition, this type of nationalism is not aimed at all Quebecers. We see it when Mr. Legault confuses Quebecers and French Canadians (for example about the national history museum project). This is seen even more clearly in the latest policy announced by Minister Drainville, a policy that abusively extends the ban on displaying religious signs to all school-related staff. Does this staff maintain continuous, intense contact with students? Here, identity nationalism slips into the exclusion and disrespect of rights.

I fully approve of the text by Françoise David, Louise Harel and Christine Saint-Pierre published in La Presse on April 22. The pretext given in support of Law 21 to prohibit the wearing of religious signs among teachers called into question the harmful influence exerted on students when teaching is indoctrinating. How does this pretext apply to staff working outside the classroom?

Let’s not be fooled. This measure is clearly the result of an electoral calculation on the part of a party already in very bad shape and whose roadmap is constantly deteriorating. We are still trying to revive the fear of an invading Islamism eager to corrupt our society. This threat is worn out. She has often served for thirty years in Quebec. But where do we see the signs, the effects of this aggression? We do not juggle in this way with an issue that has deep and legitimate ramifications among some Quebecers.

Secularism is obviously one of the highest values. On the condition of not divertinting it.

In this area, as in others, our Prime Minister flirts with confusion. He often refers to “our values” and when he wants to go further, he likes to evoke secularism. But there is more than secularism in our values. And in secularism, there is more than the prohibition of “Islamists” to pray in public or the need to “drive the religious out of our schools”. On this subject, moreover, it is difficult to understand that this proselyte of integral secularism supports the financing of schools with an explicitly religious vocation.

Good use of identity and nationalism

Identity can be designed in various ways. In my opinion, the simplest definition, the most consensual, can be formulated as follows: a widely shared set of traits, values, memories and symbols that create a sense of belonging, which over time turns into solidarity. At this point, this kind of identity comes to shape a social relationship essential to any mobilization. It is forged over time by meritorious achievements, a source of legitimate pride for the entire nation.

Quebec nationalism is currently in great need of a perspective with precise resonances. Social, cultural, economic and political contents should be added to it, like what was the neonationalism of the Quiet Revolution.

With regard to the cultural sphere in particular, there is urgency. Many studies and many testimonies attest to this. We spoke of a “silent dissolution” of our nation (Maxime Plamondon, Le Devoir, February 7, 2025). We must also think of young people who need to train their mind, to develop sensitivities, aspirations that will make them more informed adults and more responsible citizens. Quebecers who are more alert and more committed too. It is urgent to give them the means to drink from sources other than social networks and the slags of a new sterilizing ambient culture.

This is an unequivocal priority that our government ignores. A living culture makes it possible to irrigate and enrich collective life. It is a purpose that elevates us and strengthens the foundations of our nation. If we get down to it, Quebec could once again shine in the world through its culture as it has already done.

Finally, the sovereignist that I am deeply deplores the fact that the leader of the Parti Québécois is enthusiastically joining in the poorly inspired crusade of Minister Drainville. I believed that this party, having learned the lesson of the past, had regained wisdom.

Our past offers examples, whether it is the patriotic movement, the Quiet Revolution or sovereignism. Each time, the nation pursued an ideal with great stakes. And in each case, nationalism was a powerful engine. To these examples, we could add, although with the important reservations that we guess, the Survival program. It must be recognized that he pursued a very high ideal (too high?) Of moral purity inspired by Christian values and welded to the survival of language.

Over the years, the stakes changed and nationalism was redefined according to the urgencies of the hour. Thus, from the 1960s, nationalism broke with that of the previous century. Aspirations and emergencies having changed, our nation was now mobilizing in the service of other values and other purposes, of an economic, social, political and cultural nature. Identity nationalism is a degraded form of nationalism. The latter, when it is understood, expresses a feeling that makes his nation loved and inspires the desire to serve it to make it progress. It invites a commitment to progress, focused on values, ideals. It translates into concrete initiatives that move a society forward.

The nationalism of the CAQ

The type of nationalism promoted by François Legault and Minister Bernard Drainville opens a dead end and harmful. The notion of identity attached to it is blurred. The Prime Minister himself cannot define it clearly. It also lends itself to controversy. It can harden, awaken primary feelings, give in confinement, exclusion and deprivation of rights. We are then dealing with a narrowed horizon, a symptom of an eviscerated nationalism that has evacuated promising content.

In addition, this type of nationalism is not aimed at all Quebecers. We see it when Mr. Legault confuses Quebecers and French Canadians (for example about the national history museum project). This is seen even more clearly in the latest policy announced by Minister Drainville, a policy that abusively extends the ban on displaying religious signs to all school-related staff. Does this staff maintain continuous, intense contact with students? Here, identity nationalism slips into the exclusion and disrespect of rights.

I fully approve of the text by Françoise David, Louise Harel and Christine Saint-Pierre published in La Presse on April 22. The pretext given in support of Law 21 to prohibit the wearing of religious signs among teachers called into question the harmful influence exerted on students when teaching is indoctrinating. How does this pretext apply to staff working outside the classroom?

Let’s not be fooled. This measure is clearly the result of an electoral calculation on the part of a party already in very bad shape and whose roadmap is constantly deteriorating. We are still trying to revive the fear of an invading Islamism eager to corrupt our society. This threat is worn out. She has often served for thirty years in Quebec. But where do we see the signs, the effects of this aggression? We do not juggle in this way with an issue that has deep and legitimate ramifications among some Quebecers.

Secularism is obviously one of the highest values. On the condition of not divertinting it.

In this area, as in others, our Prime Minister flirts with confusion. He often refers to “our values” and when he wants to go further, he likes to evoke secularism. But there is more than secularism in our values. And in secularism, there is more than the prohibition of “Islamists” to pray in public or the need to “drive the religious out of our schools”. On this subject, moreover, it is difficult to understand that this proselyte of integral secularism supports the financing of schools with an explicitly religious vocation.

Good use of identity and nationalism

Identity can be designed in various ways. In my opinion, the simplest definition, the most consensual, can be formulated as follows: a widely shared set of traits, values, memories and symbols that create a sense of belonging, which over time turns into solidarity. At this point, this kind of identity comes to shape a social relationship essential to any mobilization. It is forged over time by meritorious achievements, a source of legitimate pride for the entire nation.

Quebec nationalism is currently in great need of a perspective with precise resonances. Social, cultural, economic and political contents should be added to it, like what was the neonationalism of the Quiet Revolution.

With regard to the cultural sphere in particular, there is urgency. Many studies and many testimonies attest to this. We spoke of a “silent dissolution” of our nation (Maxime Plamondon, Le Devoir, February 7, 2025). We must also think of young people who need to train their mind, to develop sensitivities, aspirations that will make them more informed adults and more responsible citizens. Quebecers who are more alert and more committed too. It is urgent to give them the means to drink from sources other than social networks and the slags of a new sterilizing ambient culture.

This is an unequivocal priority that our government ignores. A living culture makes it possible to irrigate and enrich collective life. It is a purpose that elevates us and strengthens the foundations of our nation. If we get down to it, Quebec could once again shine in the world through its culture as it has already done.

Finally, the sovereignist that I am deeply deplores the fact that the leader of the Parti Québécois is enthusiastically joining in the poorly inspired crusade of Minister Drainville. I believed that this party, having learned the lesson of the past, had regained wisdom.