Meggs: Au-delà de l’Initiative du siècle

Good commentary on how the steep rise in temporary residents, particularly students, has effectively resulted in Canada and Quebec no longer managing levels and pace of immigration, with a sharper disconnect between Quebec, given relatively lower permanent residency levels, than in the rest of Canada:

On a tendance à interpréter la hausse comme étant une politique délibérée et idéologique, mais il y a aussi le concours de circonstances qui a fait en sorte que les propositions de l’Initiative du siècle, alignées certes avec le discours d’ouverture et de diversité du Parti libéral du Canada, sont tombées à un moment où Immigration, Réfugiés et Citoyenneté Canada (IRCC) commençait à perdre le contrôle sur l’immigration canadienne. 

C’était inévitable. Le Canada ne pouvait augmenter sans limites son immigration temporaire, invitant en particulier les étudiantes et étudiants étrangers à venir et à rester, sans augmenter ses seuils d’immigration permanente.

Politiquement, il ne peut renvoyer les personnes diplômées au pays et ayant contribué à l’économie canadienne pendant plusieurs années. D’où les programmes spéciaux récents et annoncés de régularisation des personnes à statut temporaire, ainsi que des personnes non documentées, un autre phénomène qui augmente avec l’immigration temporaire. 

Le gouvernement de la CAQ affectionne plutôt le Programme de travailleurs étrangers temporaires (PTET)⁠1. Au Canada, au 31 décembre 2022, les titulaires de permis de ce programme représentaient 7,5 % de l’ensemble des titulaires de permis des trois programmes d’immigration temporaire. Au Québec, ils en constituaient 17,5 %. Comme le Canada, le Québec augmente le nombre de travailleurs temporaires, mais, contrairement au Canada, le Québec refuse d’augmenter ses seuils d’immigration permanente. 

Des résultats chaotiques

Ultimement, les résultats sont chaotiques et marqués par l’improvisation : 

– les délais de traitement des demandes de certificat de sélection du Québec (CSQ) s’étirent pour l’ensemble des catégories permanentes – économique, familiale et humanitaire. Ce document est délivré par le ministère de l’Immigration, de la Francisation et de l’Intégration (MIFI) et est préalable à la résidence permanente au Québec ; 

– le Québec ralentit sa sélection pour ne pas dépasser les seuils permanents planifiés ; 

– IRCC ralentit aussi la délivrance des visas de résidence permanente pour les détenteurs du CSQ pour ne pas dépasser les seuils établis par le Québec ; 

– de plus en plus de personnes immigrantes francophones⁠2 – temporaires au Québec et permanentes de l’étranger – décident de faire leur demande de résidence permanente dans une autre province. (Un cadeau au fédéral qui veut augmenter l’immigration francophone hors Québec.)

Jetant la responsabilité des délais de traitement des demandes de résidence permanente sur IRCC et la pandémie, Jean Boulet, ancien ministre du MIFI, a négocié avec le fédéral un permis de travail temporaire ouvert dans le cadre du Programme de mobilité internationale. On l’appelle le PMI+. Ce permis, aussi délivré par le fédéral, est offert aux personnes avec un CSQ en attente de leur résidence permanente. Il permet à celles déjà au Québec de continuer à travailler ici et à celles à l’étranger de venir s’établir en sol québécois. 

Mais si le Québec refuse d’augmenter ses seuils d’immigration permanente, ses gens vont demeurer avec un statut temporaire très longtemps.

Le prochain phénomène qu’on risque de voir sera celui des personnes francophones sélectionnées par le Québec et travaillant au Québec avec un permis PMI+ qui décident de déménager et de faire une nouvelle demande de résidence permanente dans une autre province parce qu’elles se lassent de l’attente et qu’elles veulent pouvoir planifier leurs vies. 

Le gouvernement a beau promettre de sélectionner 100 % d’immigration francophone, les délais pour obtenir la résidence permanente font perdre au Québec des personnes immigrantes francophones au profit d’autres provinces ou territoires. Où est la logique ? Si ces personnes souhaitent s’établir au Québec, elles peuvent y venir à la suite de leur admission au Canada, car il n’y a pas d’obstacles à la mobilité des résidents permanents. Mais cela a pour effet de laisser au fédéral et aux autres provinces la sélection. 

Les consultations organisées par le MIFI qui auront lieu dans les prochains mois établiront les paramètres de l’immigration au Québec pour au moins trois ans sans pour autant fournir une vision d’avenir. Ce n’est pas de la planification, mais plutôt de la gestion réactive dont les résultats continueront d’être chaotiques. Il ne suffit pas de dire où l’on ne veut pas aller en dénonçant l’Initiative du siècle. Il s’agit de répondre à une autre question : où va-t-on, et surtout, où veut-on aller ? 

Il est crucial que le gouvernement soit entièrement transparent sur l’ensemble des enjeux, tant envers la population d’accueil sur la façon dont il propose de gérer le nombre et le rythme des arrivées qu’envers les personnes qui arrivent sur les dures réalités de leur statut. La question de l’immigration temporaire sans limites présente trop d’enjeux négatifs pour être exclue du débat. L’objectif est un retour à un système d’immigration permanent fonctionnel. 

Source: Au-delà de l’Initiative du siècle

Appeal court overturns ruling directing Ottawa to repatriate 4 men detained in Syria

Of note and, IMO, correct decision:

The Federal Court of Appeal has overturned a high-profile ruling ordering Canada to bring home four Canadian men detained in northeastern Syrian prisons for suspected ISIS members.

In January, Federal Court Justice Henry Brown ruled the four men were entitled to have the federal government make a formal request for their release “as soon as reasonably possible.”

But three appeal court judges disagreed with Brown’s decision and overturned it on Wednesday.

In their ruling, the judges wrote that Brown’s decision interpreted the right to enter Canada too broadly.

“[The previous ruling] took the right of Canadian citizens ‘to enter … Canada’ and transformed it into a right of Canadian citizens, wherever they might be, regardless of their conduct abroad, to return to Canada or to have their government take steps to rescue them and return them to Canada,” Wednesday’s ruling says.

“The right to enter, remain in and leave Canada, is not a golden ticket for Canadian citizens abroad to force their government to take steps — even risky, dangerous steps — so they can escape the consequences of their actions,” the ruling says.

The men travelled to northeastern Syria against the travel advice of the Canadian government and have been held in prisons for those suspected of ISIS affiliations. The camps in northeastern Syria are run by the Kurdish forces that reclaimed the war-torn region from the extremist group.

Canada not responsible for men’s detention: judges

In his January decision, Brown cited the conditions of the prison and the fact that the men haven’t been charged and brought to trial.

“The conditions of the … men are even more dire than those of the women and children who Canada has just agreed to repatriate,” Brown’s decision reads.

“There is no evidence any of them have been tried or convicted, let alone tried in a manner recognized or sanctioned by international law.”

But Wednesday’s appeal court ruling said the Canadian government is not responsible for the men’s detention in Syria.

“Canadian state conduct did not lead to the respondents being in northeastern Syria, did not prevent them from entering Canada, and did not cause or continue their plight. The respondents’ own conduct and persons abroad who have control over them alone are responsible,” the ruling reads.

Public Safety Minister Marco Mendicino said the government will take time to “absorb” the court’s ruling.

“Our priority first and foremost is that we safeguard the country and our borders from any potential terrorist activity,” he told reporters Wednesday.

Jack Letts, who has been imprisoned in Syria for more than four years after allegedly joining ISIS, is among the four men.

Sally Lane, Letts’ mother, said the appeal court decided to “to perpetuate the arbitrary detention and torture” of her son.

“The decision is nothing but victim-blaming and narrow legalese that stands in utter contempt of human rights law and fails to rise to the challenge of the moment,” Lane said in a statement provided by the family’s lawyer, Barbara Jackman.

Letts admitted in a 2019 interview to joining ISIS in Syria. His family says he made that admission under duress and there is no evidence that he ever fought for the group.

Jackman told CBC that they are considering taking the case to the Supreme Court, but a final decision hasn’t been made yet.

Lawrence Greenspon, a lawyer for the other applicants, also told CBC that his clients are considering an appeal.

In the past, Greenspon has argued that if there is any evidence the Canadians took part in terrorist activities, Canada should put them on trial here.

But former CSIS analyst Phil Gurski said he fears that any trial likely would end in an acquittal because the witnesses and evidence are located in Syria.

“I’m just not confident that the Canadian court system would have the resources to locate the witnesses … and the evidence to bring forward a successful trial,” he said.

Family members of Canadians detained in Syria — including the four men — have been asking the federal government to arrange for their return to Canada.

Prior to the January ruling, the government agreed to repatriate six women and 13 children from northeastern Syria.

At least three of those women have returned and were taken into police custody upon arrival. They have all been released pending terrorism peace bond applications.

A terrorism peace bond allows a judge to order a defendant to maintain good behaviour — sometimes with conditions such as a curfew — or face a prison sentence.

Source: Appeal court overturns ruling directing Ottawa to repatriate 4 men detained in Syria

German citizenship: Record number of naturalizations

Of note, along with the planned policy changes:

A record 168,545 applicants with 171 different nationalities received German citizenship in 2022. That was 28% more than in the previous year, the Federal Statistical Office in Wiesbaden reported this week.

Twenty-nine percent of people who adopted German nationality in 2022 were from Syria, their average age was 24.8 years, and two-thirds of them are male. Many of them had fled their homeland when the civil war broke out in 2014 and have since found a new home in Germany. Before naturalization, they had been in Germany for an average of 6.4 years.

Syrians topped the list, followed by Ukrainian, Iraqi and Turkish nationals.

“Almost half of all Syrians who received their German passports did so after only six years. That’s because they were able to demonstrate exceptional integration achievements,” Jan Schneider, of the independent Expert Council on Integration and Migration, told DW.

“In fact, we can expect the number to rise further this year,” Schneider said, as the ruling center-left coalition of Social Democrats (SPD), Greens and neoliberal Free Democrats (FDP) has comprehensive plans for changing and simplifying the citizenship law.

High hurdles so far

Currently, the requirements for naturalization include language skills (B1) and a secure income, and candidates must have lived in Germany for a minimum of eight years.

People who want to become German citizenship have not only had to pay the fee of €255 ($272) but also need to be able to document their identity and pass a written test in German, which consists of 33 questions on German customs and society and the law. Applicants must also declare their support for democracy and the German constitution, the Basic Law.

Anyone who has been convicted of a criminal offense does not stand a chance. Neither do applicants who have no income or savings and rely solely on state support.

But, now, Germany sees a labor shortage across its economy, ranging from IT specialists to medical staff to food servers. Labor market experts have estimated that Germany needs 400,000 immigrants per year to close the widening gap. Currently, only 60,000 are attracted each year by the government’s skilled immigration program.

A fundamental change in the citizenship law, the government argues, could be an incentive for people to come and for those already living here to integrate better.

Plans to simplify the citizenship law

Legislation proposed by Interior Minister Nancy Faeser will make dual citizenship easier, as well as naturalization for non-EU citizens. It boils down to three main changes.

Immigrants legally living in Germany will be allowed to apply for citizenship after five rather than eight years. This shall go down to only three years if the applicant can show special integration achievements.

Children born in Germany of at least one parent who has been living legally in the country for five or more years will automatically get German citizenship.

Multiple citizenships will be allowed.

So far, only EU and Swiss nationals, and those whose country of origin does not allow people to renounce citizenship such as Iran, Afghanistan and Morocco, for example; refugees who are threatened with persecution in their home countries; and Israelis are generally permitted to hold on to their original passports when they get a German one.

Schneider believes that, for some of the approximately 1.3 million Turks who are living in Germany, “the dual passport may well be an incentive for naturalization.”

Opposition to reform

The new record figures for naturalizations have triggered another storm of protest among critics, especially from the largest opposition group, the center-right Christian Democrat Union and the regional Christian Social Union (CDU/CSU). Their parliamentary group’s spokesman, Thorsten Frei, told the daily newspaper Die Welt: “The plans of Interior Minister Nancy Faeser increase the risk that more people will be naturalized who are not sufficiently integrated.” He said there were no convincing reasons to lower the requirements for a German passport.

Currently, about 6 million foreign citizens have been living in Germany for over eight years. If the minimum period of residence for naturalization is set at five years, migration expert Schneider pointed out, most of them will meet the criteria for naturalization.

Although it is not possible to predict today whether parliament will approve the government’s bill, “a massive increase in naturalization applications” is to be expected, Schneider said. “Applications for naturalization are already piling up in many Citizens’ Offices,” he added.

Source: German citizenship: Record number of naturalizations

Les tests de français «made in France» seront adaptés au contexte québécois

Following the backlash:

La ministre de l’Immigration, Christine Fréchette, convient qu’il faut « mieux adapter » au contexte québécois les tests de français pour les immigrants, mais elle ne compte pas pour autant exiger que ces examens soient conçus au Québec.

« Il faudrait à tout le moins que les tests soient mieux adaptés au contexte québécois. Il y a des références au Québec qui ont déjà été introduites dans plusieurs des tests standardisés. On veut que ça se poursuive, comme travail », a déclaré la ministre mercredi, lors de la période des questions.

Elle était interrogée par la députée Ruba Ghazal, de Québec solidaire, au sujet d’un dossier du Devoir qui révèle les écueils des tests pour l’immigration. Ceux-ci sont conçus en France et sont truffés de références européennes.

La ministre Fréchette a refusé de s’engager à confier la production des tests à une organisation québécoise, comme le lui suggérait Mme Ghazal. « On va continuer à procéder à ces analyses-là jusqu’à ce qu’elles soient complètes, et on verra quelles sont les pistes d’action », a-t-elle affirmé.

« Bonne chance de demander à des Français d’adapter le test à notre réalité québécoise avec notre accent québécois. J’ai hâte de voir ça », a répondu avec ironie sa collègue solidaire.

Des changements demandés

En matinée, les partis d’opposition ont pressé Québec de faire mieux. « Il est temps que ces tests-là soient revus, a lancé André Fortin. Je pense qu’on est capables de fournir [aux immigrants] un bien meilleur accueil et de leur présenter notre langue sous un bien différent angle. »

« Franchement, les tests de français pour les immigrants devraient être faits au Québec, a lâché Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois, de Québec solidaire. Pour bien mesurer l’intégration d’un immigrant au français québécois, il faut avoir des outils québécois. François Legault se présente comme le chevalier du français. Ça fait dur, là, d’utiliser des tests faits en France. »

Le député péquiste Pascal Bérubé a déclaré que les tests devraient être « adaptés à notre réalité ». « Et on a une expertise pour ça », a-t-il précisé.

Les deux instances françaises, dont France Éducation international, assurent que les tests ont déjà été adaptés. La Chambre de commerce et d’industrie de Paris Île-de-France, qui en fait passer deux sur huit, affirme avoir reçu « une demande forte de la part du ministère de l’Immigration, de la Francisation et de l’Intégration d’inclure davantage de référents culturels québécois ». Elle avance aussi que l’accent québécois « est présent à 35 % environ dans l’épreuve de compréhension orale ».

Le Devoir a cependant constaté, en allant passer le test, que cette proportion est nettement surévaluée : seuls quatre enregistrements sur plus d’une quarantaine présentent un accent québécois. Ces enregistrements sonores permettent aux participants de répondre à 51 questions.

Source: Les tests de français «made in France» seront adaptés au contexte québécois

Canada launches new immigration program to fill ‘in-demand’

As expected:

Immigration applicants with experience in any of five sectors could be selected for permanent residence through a new system designed to better align newcomers with Canada’s labour market needs.

On Wednesday, Immigration Minister Sean Fraser launched the highly anticipated “category-based selection” — better known as the “targeted draw” of skilled immigrants — which was first announced last June.

In additional to focusing on picking those with strong French language proficiency, the new tool will target those in the talent pool with a background in five key occupational sectors:

  • Health care;
  • Science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) professions;
  • Trades, such as carpenters, plumbers and contractors;
  • Transport; and
  • Agriculture and agri-food.

“Everywhere I go, I’ve heard loud and clear from employers across the country who are experiencing chronic labour shortages. These changes to the Express Entry system will ensure that they have the skilled workers they need to grow and succeed,” Fraser said in a news release.

“We can also grow our economy and help businesses with labour shortages while also increasing the number of French-proficient candidates to help ensure the vitality of French-speaking communities. Put simply, Canada’s immigration system has never been more responsive to the country’s social or economic needs.”

The job categories have been determined following public consultations, as well as a review of labour market needs. A complete list of eligible jobs for the new categories is available on the immigration department website.

Currently, applicants for skilled immigration programs enter into the Express Entry pool, where they are given points and ranked based on attributes such as age, educational achievements, language proficiency, work experience and availability of a job offer.

Regular draws are conducted to invite those with the highest scores to apply for permanent residence. However, the system doesn’t allow the immigration department to overrule the ranking system and pick a candidate in an “in-demand” profession if the person’s score doesn’t meet the thresholds of those draws.

According to Statistics Canada, the number of job vacancies in the fourth quarter of 2022 decreased by 78,600 or 8.2 per cent to 876,300, marking the second consecutive quarterly decline.

The number of unfilled jobs fell in 16 of 20 broad industrial sectors, particularly in accommodation and food services (-21,400) and administrative and support, waste management and remediation services (-15,800).

Job vacancies also fell in seven of 10 broad occupational groups, including trades, transport and equipment operators and related occupations (-22,200) and sales and service occupations (-20,100).

There were 147,300 job vacancies in health occupations in the fourth quarter, little changed from the record high reached in the third quarter.

Fraser said further details on the timing of invitations for individual categories and how to apply will be announced in the coming weeks.

Source: Canada launches new immigration program to fill ‘in-demand’ jobsCanada launches new immigration program to fill ‘in-demand’ jobs

And criticism from labour economists:

MIKAL SKUTERUD, the director of the Canadian Labour Economics Forum, took issue with a minister meddling in a system for grading talent that is supposed to be apolitical. He wrote that he was concerned the immigration system will fall unduly under the influence of business lobbyists.

“If the objective of the policy is to target skilled candidates with work experience in the sectors listed in the news release, why were these applicants unable to satisfy the selection criteria of the existing Express Entry system?” he wrote to PTM

“The only possible answer I can think of is that this reform seeks to bypass the [Comprehensive Ranking System] which, in effect, means providing eased pathways to PR status for immigrants with lower skill levels and lower expected earnings.”

The Comprehensive Ranking System is the existing method by which the government scores the workforce potential of prospective economic immigrants.

Bringing in immigrants who earn less than would otherwise be the case could inhibit GDP per capita and standard of living growth, wrote Skuterud. 

CHRISTOPHER WORSWICK, who teaches the economics of immigration at Carleton University, wrote: 

“I am generally not in favour of this novel, category-based selection method. It would be better to focus on improving the Comprehensive Ranking System. This seems like a step backward from what had been a human capital-based (or expected earnings-based) selection process. I suspect this is designed to allow the government to choose less-skilled applicants to satisfy the demands of different business lobby groups.”

Worswick wrote that he suspected that some of the newly prioritized industries and occupations in trades contracting, transport, and agriculture could lead to an influx of low-earning immigrants.

“If we bring in workers whenever employer groups say there is a ‘labour shortage,’ we risk keeping wages low and hurting lower-wage workers in Canada who may need wage growth, especially given our challenges with inflation. We should focus on bringing in economic immigrants with the highest human capital (as measured by expected earnings),” he wrote.

Source: https://hilltimes.us10.list-manage.com/track/click?u=a90bfb63c26a30f02131a677b&id=0071de5ea4&e=685e94e554

Trump vows to end birthright citizenship for children of unauthorized immigrants if he wins in 2024

Usual floating to get media attention. Will be interesting to see if CPC picks up on change to Canadian birthright citizenship (former Minister Kenney tried in 2012):

Former President Donald Trump on Tuesday pledged to challenge a long-standing interpretation of the U.S. Constitution in an attempt to end birthright citizenship for children of unauthorized immigrants if he defeats President Biden in the 2024 election.

If he secures a second presidential term, Trump said he would issue an executive order during his first day back at the White House in January 2025 instructing the federal government to deny citizenship to children with parents who are not American citizens or legal permanent residents.

Under a decades-long interpretation of the Constitution, children born on U.S. soil are automatically bestowed American citizenship, even if their parents are not themselves citizens or legally present in the country. Some immigration hardliners have long criticized the policy, saying it encourages parents to come to the U.S. illegally. While he was in the White House, Trump repeatedly floated the idea of challenging the interpretation, but never took action.

In his announcement Tuesday, Trump portrayed the move as part of a broader crackdown on unauthorized immigrants and asylum-seekers that he has promised if he returns to the White House. He has also vowed to launch the largest immigration roundup and deportation operation in U.S. history.

“My policy will choke off a major incentive for continued illegal immigration, deter more migrants from coming and encourage many of the aliens Joe Biden has unlawfully let into our country to go back to their home countries. They must go back,” Trump said in a video message on Tuesday.

If Trump wins the 2024 presidential election and follows through on his promise, the move to end birthright citizenship for children of immigrants living in the U.S. without legal permission is all but certain to face significant legal challenges.

Is birthright citizenship in the Constitution?

The 14th Amendment of the Constitution, adopted following the Civil War, declares that all “persons born or naturalized in the United States” are “citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.”

“Any executive action that a president might try to end birthright citizenship would be challenged in court and would be likely struck down as unconstitutional,” said Stephen Yale-Loehr, an immigration law professor at Cornell University.

While the move would likely not pass legal muster, Yale-Loehr added, it could be a beneficial campaign tactic for Trump, especially during the Republican primary.

“I think it’s pretty clear that, for political purposes, he thinks that this kind of announcement will appeal to his base. It shows that he has anti-immigration credentials. And most of his voters don’t know or don’t care about whether such an executive order would be legal,” Yale-Loehr said.

Ron DeSantis’ immigration policies

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, the 2024 Republican presidential candidate currently Trump’s closest challenger in the polls, has also sought to make immigration a top issue of his campaign.

A measure championed by DeSantis that was recently passed by the Florida legislature will be among the strictest state immigration laws in American history. Among other things, it will invalidate driver’s licenses other states provide to unauthorized immigrants, require hospitals to document whether patients are in the country legally, fund efforts to relocate migrants to “sanctuary jurisdictions” and impose fines for employers who don’t verify the immigration status of workers.

In addition to sharply criticizing the Biden administration’s handling of the record number of migrant crossings reported along the southern border in recent years, Trump and DeSantis have feuded over which candidate has the toughest immigration platform.

DeSantis recently accused Trump of supporting “amnesty” by endorsing a bipartisan proposal that would have traded border barrier and security funds in exchange for the legalization of some unauthorized immigrants, including those brought to the U.S. as children.

Source: Trump vows to end birthright citizenship for children of unauthorized immigrants if he wins in 2024

Jedwab: Immigration versus the protection of French in Quebec 

Jack’s commentary:

There now appears to be a political consensus in Quebec that the greater the number of immigrants that come here the more the French language is threatened. That’s the inevitable takeaway from a unanimous motion recently adopted by the National Assembly declaring that the federal government’s plan to admit 500,000 newcomers to Canada each year is incompatible with the protection of the French language. Such declarations by elected officials risk encouraging even more Quebecers to regard immigrants as a threat.

While the motion targets immigrants and the federal government, it would seem to be directed toward those Quebecers who are repeatedly reminded that French is under siege and being told who to blame. While politicians might do such things, Quebec’s Ministry of Immigration, Francisation and Integration conveys a very different message. In its proposed immigration level plan for 2023, the minister,  Christine Fréchette, states:

“Immigration remains part of the answer to the sociolinguistic, demographic and labour force issues facing Quebec. Immigrants bring a diversity of talents to Quebec and everything must be done to facilitate their integration. Your government wants immigration to contribute to the dynamism of the Quebec economy in all its regions and to the vitality of the French language.”

It adds: “Immigrants of all origins can find their place in Quebec society and contribute to the survival of the French language, to the prosperity of our regions and to a harmonious and diversified community.”

The motion from the National Assembly serves to reiterate the frequent call to repatriate immigration powers from Ottawa that presumably prevent Quebec from fully controlling its immigration policies and programs. But the ministry points to the considerable authority the government has when it comes to immigration and newcomer integration. The existing “Canada-Quebec immigration agreement,” it says, “allows Quebec to fully assume its responsibilities with respect to immigration levels planning, selection, francization and integration of immigrants.

The ministry goes on to note that, under the agreement, “Quebec is responsible for the selection of economic immigrants, refugees abroad and applications processed on humanitarian or public interest grounds.”

Quebec politicians need to be a good deal more specific when they talk about the immigration powers they must acquire to counter the grave threat to French that newcomers purportedly constitute. It’s true the processing of refugee claims made domestically is the exclusive responsibility of Ottawa. Are we to believe the few thousand vulnerable persons who annually seek asylum and end up in Quebec are the source of the threat to the French language?

In the aftermath of the election of the Coalition Avenir Québec in 2018, the government reduced the numbers of immigrants who were to be admitted to Quebec, demonstrating that the projected annual immigration levels targeted by the federal government do not directly bear on Quebec’s desired yearly intake.

The ministry goes on to note that, under the agreement, “Quebec is responsible for the selection of economic immigrants, refugees abroad and applications processed on humanitarian or public interest grounds.”

Quebec politicians need to be a good deal more specific when they talk about the immigration powers they must acquire to counter the grave threat to French that newcomers purportedly constitute. It’s true the processing of refugee claims made domestically is the exclusive responsibility of Ottawa. Are we to believe the few thousand vulnerable persons who annually seek asylum and end up in Quebec are the source of the threat to the French language?

In the aftermath of the election of the Coalition Avenir Québec in 2018, the government reduced the numbers of immigrants who were to be admitted to Quebec, demonstrating that the projected annual immigration levels targeted by the federal government do not directly bear on Quebec’s desired yearly intake.

Quebec needs immigrants and it is perfectly legitimate for the government to make efforts to attract the maximum number of French-speakers. But, ideally, it needs to explain the challenges associated with doing so rather than sounding the alarm for political ends.

Jack Jedwab is president and CEO of the Association for Canadian Studies and the Metropolis Institute.

Source: Immigration versus the protection of French in Quebec