Sponsored travel helping Israel win over Canadian MPs

Good piece in iPolitics on the influence of sponsored travel, focussing on Israel but not unique (i.e., Taiwan):

Independent MP Brent Rathgeber says he enthusiastically accepted the chance to visit Israel when he was invited in 2010.

“It was a fascinating trip. It was a great trip. I learned a great deal on all aspects of it. I grew up in a Christian home and it was fascinating to visit the holy sites.”

Rathgeber says the trips deliver value for the CIJA and could be having an effect on the reaction of Canada’s MPs to the current conflict.

“The sponsors of these trips, although in fairness they try to provide some balance on the conflict, obviously have a goal in mind in the education that they provide by taking you there. So, I am not surprised that all of the major parties seem to have a certain perspective with respect to this ongoing conflict in Gaza.”

Norman Spector, a former Canadian ambassador to Israel, is among those who have met with MPs on trips sponsored at the time by the Canada Israel Committee.

Spector said he also set up meetings and tours for MPs when he was ambassador but his tours included elements he suspects the CIJA tours are lacking – like a wide range of Palestinian views including members of Hamas before it was declared a terrorist organization and some of the far right voices in Israel.

“I doubt that many MPs have been taken on these missions to a refugee camp in Nablus or if any has seen raw sewage flowing at Jabalya camp in Gaza.”

Sponsored travel helping Israel win over Canadian MPs. (pay wall)

The Guardian view on Gaza and the rise of antisemitism | Editorial | Comment is free | The Guardian

The Guardian’s take on increased antisemitism in relation to Israeli government actions:

It should not need saying, but it does: people can be as angry as they like at the Israeli government, but to attack a synagogue, threaten children at a Jewish school, or throw a brick through the window of a Jewish grocery store is vile and contemptible racism. It cannot be excused by reference to Israeli military behaviour. The two are and should be kept utterly distinct.

Some may counter that that is impossible, given the strong attachment of most Jews to Israel. But this is less complicated than it looks. Yes, Jews feel bound up with Israel, they believe in its right to survive and thrive. But that does not mean they should be held responsible for its policy, on which some may disagree and over which they have no control.

Nor should they be required to declare their distance from Israel as a condition for admission into polite society. We opposed such a question being put to all Muslims after 9/11 and, though the cases are not equivalent, the same logic applies here. This is a test for those who take a strong stance in support of the Palestinians, but in truth it is a test for all of us.

The Guardian view on Gaza and the rise of antisemitism | Editorial | Comment is free | The Guardian.

Mirror Images: Antisemitism and Islamophobia – New Canadian Media – NCM

My take on the similarities and differences between antisemitism and islamophobia:

And for those protesting or supporting Israel, a do’s and don’t guide see How to Support Israel without Being Racist and How to Criticize Israel without Being Antisemitic for additional thoughts:

1.       Protest against the political entity Israel, Hamas, not the religion or ethnicity Jews, Muslims, Arabs.

2.       Never protest outside a mosque or synagogue. Find a neutral place e.g., federal or provincial parliaments, City halls.

3.       Avoid any use of Nazi imagery and language no ‘death to the Israelis, no death to the Jews,’no death to the Arabs, no death to the Muslims’ language.

4.       No violence or threats of violence.

5.       Hard as it may, try to understand where the other side is coming from. Not necessarily to accept, but to understand.

Mirror Images: Antisemitism and Islamophobia – New Canadian Media – NCM.

Israel, Gaza, War & Data — i ❤ data — Medium

Twitter Mid-East solitudesFor data visualization geeks, as well as those more broadly interested in social networks and how they reinforce our existing views, this article by Gilad Lotan is a must read (Haaretz, the left-wing Israeli newspaper, draws the most from both sides):

Facebook’s trending pages aggregate content that are heavily shared “trending” across the platform. If you’re already logged into Facebook, you’ll see a personalized view of the trend, highlighting your friends and their views on the trend. Give it a try.

Now open a separate browser window in incognito mode Chrome: File->New Incognito Window and navigate to the same page. Since the browser has no idea who you are on Facebook, you’ll get the raw, unpersonalized feed.

How are the two different?

Personalizing Propaganda

If you’re rooting for Israel, you might have seen videos of rocket launches by Hamas adjacent to Shifa Hospital. Alternatively, if you’re pro-Palestinian, you might have seen the following report on an alleged IDF sniper who admitted on Instagram to murdering 13 Gazan children. Israelis and their proponents are likely to see IDF videos such as this one detailing arms and tunnels found within mosques passed around in their social media feeds, while Palestinian groups are likely to pass around images displaying the sheer destruction caused by IDF forces to Gazan mosques. One side sees videos of rockets intercepted in the Tel-Aviv skies, and other sees the lethal aftermath of a missile attack on a Gazan neighborhood.

The better we get at modeling user preferences, the more accurately we construct recommendation engines that fully capture user attention. In a way, we are building personalized propaganda engines that feed users content which makes them feel good and throws away the uncomfortable bits.

Worth reflecting upon. I try to have a range of news and twitter feeds to reduce the risk.

Israel, Gaza, War & Data — i ❤ data — Medium.

Israel and the world: Us and them | The Economist

Israel in World
Not encouraging:

Daphna Kaufman of Reut wonders whether Israel is also moving away from Europe. The secular and social-democratic leanings of Israel’s early decades dovetailed with western Europe’s. But the 1m migrants from the former Soviet Union, who arrived in the 1990s, have scant democratic tradition; many seek salvation in a strongman, a Jewish Putin, to rescue Israel from its enemies.

A similar number of national-religious Jews, heavily represented in government, see Israel as part of the divine plan for the Messiah’s coming, and worry that democracy might get in the way. More often now, Israel finds it easier to deal with non-democratic regimes, in the region or in the Asia-Pacific, where politics intrudes less on business. All of that bodes ill for co-operation with the country’s European critics and perhaps its American ones too.

Some hope that the common threat of a jihadist menace will yet induce Europe to treat Israel as its frontline bulwark and to overlook the plight of the Palestinians. “Ours is the fight of the free world,” says Mr Steinitz. But others see only greater divergence ahead. “Within 50 years, Europe’s lingua franca will be Arabic, and Britain will have a Muslim majority,” Moshe Feiglin, a hardline member of Mr Netanyahu’s party, Likud, tells a nodding audience in Bet Shemesh, a commuter town between Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. His listeners see a future in which Israel is increasingly forced to rely on its own devices—and its own might.

Haven’t seen any recent Canadian polling on attitudes with respect to Israel and Palestine.

Israel and the world: Us and them | The Economist.

Peacemaking through film and pastrami: Caplanskys signs on to sponsor Toronto Palestine Film Festival

Nice contrast with some of the ugliness in display during recent demonstrations supporting or opposing Israel’s actions in Gaza:

Caplansky’s desire to find common ground traces back to high school, when as president of York Mills Collegiate, he visited the home of the school’s vice-president, who was Palestinian.

“He had a map of Israel on the wall, and it said, ‘Palestine,’” he recalled. “I realized he has a different perspective, and we can still be friends.”

He said he made the decision several months ago to supply the film festival with one of his signature blue-and-white food trucks, emblazoned with the slogan, “Sometimes you just have to Jew it up.” “I’m not sure how well that’s going to go over,” he said, with a laugh.

On offer during the screening of Laila’s Birthday, a dark comedy by Palestinian director Rashid Masharawi, will be a selection of the Caplansky classics: smoked meat sandwiches; barbecue brisket; smoked meat poutine; maple beef bacon doughnuts.

“I hope they eat. I hope they enjoy,” Caplansky said. “I hope they understand that we’re in this together. This isn’t us and them. This is just us.”

Peacemaking through film and pastrami: Caplanskys signs on to sponsor Toronto Palestine Film Festival | Toronto Star.

I hate the hatred | Coren Toronto Sun

Michael Coren, whose writings I generally disagree with, nevertheless is worth reading in general for a different perspective, and particularly this piece on Israel and Gaza:

I hate the way some on the right and in Zionist circles refuse to listen to the Palestinian experience and believe Israel can do no wrong. I hate the way some evangelical Christians think the ghastly battle over Israel and Palestine is some sort of Biblical combat and modern Armageddon to be fought vicariously by Jews and Arabs. I hate the hatred.

I hate it when North African thugs in Paris attack synagogues in the name of Palestine, beat up Jews in the street and then scream about human rights. I hate it that kids from Pakistan will say not a word about their home country’s blasphemy laws and murder of Christians but roar their hatred of Israel when they probably couldn’t even find it on a map. I hate the hatred.

I hate the singling out of Israel for condemnation but the ignoring of the murderous regimes that surround it. I hate the fact that Iran can hang young gay men, Syria can murder tens of thousands and Turkey can occupy two countries and deny the Armenian genocide but there are no demonstrations. I hate the hatred.

I hate it that when supporters of Israel, like myself, argue that there has to be another way, that Palestine has to exist and that the settlements are wrong, we are mocked as compromisers – I actually wear that badge with pride. I hate it when the same people who welcomed Soviet diplomats, sportsmen and artists and now welcome diplomats, sportsmen and artists from repugnant Arab dictatorships, boycott Israeli kids who can kick a ball or play an instrument. I hate the hatred.

I don’t have a solution, I don’t even have much hope — and for someone who has spent so long in the Middle East, read so much, met so many people, listened to so many stories, I am I suppose a terrible disappointment. I’m obviously not as clever as those on both sides who know exactly how all of this can be settled. But I do know that I hate the damned hatred.

I hate the hatred | Coren | Columnists | Opinion | Toronto Sun.

How to Support Israel Without Being Racist/How to Criticize Israel Without Being Antisemitic

A practical guide to either supporting or opposing Israel in relation to Gaza and Palestinian issues, starting with supporters of Israel:

  1. Do go ahead and criticize Hamas.
  2. Don’t use racist or Islamophobic stereotypes or tropes.
  3. Don’t conflate Arabs, Palestinians, and Muslims as if they were interchangeable terms or groups.
  4. Don’t dehumanize Palestinians.
  5. Don’t erase their existence, history, or culture.
  6. Do engage Palestinians and their allies in conversation on the issues of Israel and of racism, rather than simply shutting them down for disagreeing.
  7. Do try to be sensitive to the fact that Palestinians are largely powerless, poverty-stricken, and violently oppressed, and that any “war” or negotiation between Israel and the Palestinians can in no possible way be construed as a meeting of equals.

For for Palestinian supporters:

  1. Do go ahead and criticize Israel.
  2. Don’t use anti-Semitic stereotypes or tropes.
  3. Don’t use overly expansive language that covers Jews as a whole and not just Israel.
  4. Don’t use lies to boost your claims.
  5. Do engage Jews in conversation on the issues of Israel and of anti-Semitism, rather than simply shutting them down for disagreeing.
  6. Do try to be sensitive to the fact that, fair or not, many people take verbal or violent revenge for the actions of Israelis on Diasporan Jews, and Diasporan Jews are understandably frightened and upset by this.

To these lists I would add:

  • protest outside Embassies and Consulates, not synagogues or mosques;
  • non-violent only.

Any other suggestions?

This Is Not Jewish How to Support Israel Without Being Racist.

This Is Not Jewish (How to Criticize Israel Without Being Anti-Semitic)

 

Serving in foreign militaries

Serving in the IDF or other foreign militaries raises sensitive issues related to dual loyalty (see my earlier article Which Country Would You Die For?).

Serving in a foreign military implies a greater loyalty to that country, given the risk of ultimate sacrifice.

But serving in a foreign military, with its own discipline, regulations and codes, is distinct from extremist irregular forces without such developed frameworks (even if there are some common elements).

In the former in democratic societies the broad frameworks and values are largely similar. Needless to say, the same could not be said for those fighting for ISIS or equivalents:

Two Americans serving as lone soldiers were among 13 Israeli soldiers and scores of Palestinians over the weekend who died during the first major ground battle in two weeks of fighting between Israel and Hamas. Max Steinberg, a 24-year-old sharpshooter in the Golani Brigade, was killed as well as Nissim Sean Carmeli, 21, from South Padre Island, Texas.

There were about 5,500 lone soldiers serving in the military in 2012, according to the Israel Defence Forces. Groups for families of lone soldiers, like the support group in Toronto, have recently started in Los Angeles and other cities, providing a support network as the fighting intensifies.

“Lone soldiers are a kind of star in Israel,” Jewish Journal reported. “For Israeli kids, army service is a rite of passage. But because it is a choice for the young members of the Diaspora who re-direct their own life paths to protect Israel, those enlistees are given a hero’s welcome — and a lifetime of Shabbat dinner invitations from their fellow soldiers, who become their surrogate families.”

‘I just want her to get through this in one piece’: Canadians serving with Israeli military amid Gaza conflict, parents say

And in LaPresse, a fairly critical look at Canadian Ambassador Vivian Bercovici’s one-sided perspective as seen through her tweets.

To be fair, she is simply expressing the Government’s policy on Israel and Palestine but given that she formally is the Ambassador to both Israel and the Palestinian Authority, she does seem to be even more one-sided than necessary:

Norman Spector, qui a été ambassadeur du Canada en Israël de 1992 à 1995 et chef de cabinet du l’ancien premier ministre Brian Mulroney, s’est dit surpris du «parti pris» de ces déclarations. «Cela me surprend de lire ses tweets et retweets», a-t-il affirmé.

«Par contre, à mon époque, l’ambassadeur était responsable pour les relations avec Israël et pour les relations avec les Palestiniens, ce qui n’est pas le cas aujourd’hui, si je ne me trompe pas», a-t-il ajouté.

Le bureau du ministre des Affaires étrangères, John Baird, a confirmé que cette dernière responsabilité incombe au Bureau de représentation du Canada auprès de l’Autorité palestinienne.

Le ministre John Baird n’a pas bronché lorsque La Presse lui a demandé de réagir. «Elle est là pour représenter les intérêts canadiens, les valeurs et la position canadienne, et elle le fait très bien», a déclaré un porte-parole par courriel. «Elle a tout notre appui.»

Des experts n’ont pas été particulièrement surpris en lisant ces propos. «Elle a été choisie au départ parce qu’elle avait ces convictions», a souligné Rex Brynen, professeur de sciences politiques à l’Université McGill.

«Je ne crois pas que cette distinction [entre diplomatie et activisme politique] existe réellement, a quant à lui noté le professeur Roland Paris, de l’Université d’Ottawa. Les diplomates ont plusieurs fonctions, et l’une d’elles est d’être un défenseur des positions de leur gouvernement.»

http://www.lapresse.ca/actualites/politique/politique-canadienne/201407/22/01-4785985-israel-les-tweets-de-lambassadrice-du-canada-font-jaser.php

ICYMI: For Israelis and Palestinians, Separation Is Dehumanizing – NYTimes.com

Interesting commentary on how Israelis and Palestinians have moved further apart by Ethan Bronner of the NYTimes:

Israelis — especially in the heartland around Tel Aviv, where two-thirds of the country lives — can now go weeks without laying eyes on a Palestinian or ever having to think about one. In Gaza, Israelis do not exist except in a kind of collective nightmare. In the West Bank, the Israelis are mostly settlers and soldiers. Apart from a few pockets of industry and shopping where Palestinians are employed, interaction is highly limited.

At the height of the peace efforts, in the 1990s, Israeli and Palestinian leaders, locked in rooms negotiating with one another, built a poignant bond and developed a form of trust that they then sought to spread — not always successfully — to their peoples.

Yossi Beilin, then an Israeli official, and Mahmoud Abbas, who went on to become the president of the Palestinian Authority, wrote a peace plan together. In the early 2000s, Sari Nusseibeh, a Palestinian official and intellectual, joined with Ami Ayalon, a former head of the Israeli Shin Bet security services, and gathered hundreds of thousands of Palestinian and Israeli signatures for a two-state solution. They traveled together for months. They got along famously.

The relationship between Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Mr. Abbas is one of mutual loathing, according to Martin S. Indyk, who resigned last month as American envoy for peace negotiations after nine months of futile efforts. The two sides and their leaders have become total strangers. Each vilifies the other and imagines its own people to be morally superior, forced to defend itself against the cruel predations of the other.

A generation ago, there were plenty of causes for tension and concern. But Palestinians building what they hoped would become their state, and Israelis working with them, had an often moving sense of shared purpose. Some discovered that they liked one another and looked forward to working together. Today, those feelings are virtually dead. And while mixing the populations in those years was no panacea, divorcing them has only made things worse.

For Israelis and Palestinians, Separation Is Dehumanizing – NYTimes.com.