In politics, it’s dangerous to take the low road: Bruce Anderson

Bruce Anderson, is his usual diplomatic way, makes strong points about wedge politics, topical given some of the comments by Conservative MPs in particular:

They [political strategists] know that voters have had a bellyful of manufactured drama – politicians getting hot and bothered about issues that shouldn’t be at or near the top of the agenda.

For one reason, the audience can spot the manipulation. It’s like a magic trick when the audience has figured out how the illusion is done: not only is it not entertaining, it’s awkward and embarrassing. At best, voters might just ignore you, because they know the tactic is not serious, just a game.

But the bigger reason to hesitate is the risk of starting a hazardous chain reaction, one that gets outside your control quickly. When you use a controversial issue to rally your base, there is a greater risk of also hardening and energizing your opponents too.

There are highly skilled and experienced campaign teams all across the spectrum, people who know how to turn a wedge attack aimed against them into an opportunity to raise money and ire and generate a backlash.

The late U.S. politician Adlai Stevenson (who twice failed in presidential bids against Dwight Eisenhower) said, almost 60 years ago, “the hardest thing about any political campaign is how to win without proving that you are unworthy of winning.”

It would be naïve to suggest that we’re in for a new golden age of only positive campaigning. But a pretty fair case can be made that voters are noticing and responding well to high-road campaigning, which reveals how fed up they are with the opposite.

And the smartest campaigners know that wedge issues are becoming less like a magic potion for electoral success, and more like nitroglycerine: a choice that could go pretty badly, if fumbled.

In politics, it’s dangerous to take the low road – The Globe and Mail.

Charte des valeurs québécoises – Round-up

On the morning the draft Charte will be revealed, the usual round-up of articles. While it appears the main direction has not changed – banning religious signs in all government-funded workplaces, implementation periods and renewal derogations will be allowed. Another layer of bureaucracy, another way to keep the politique identitaire a public issue, and another way for Quebec to avoid coming to terms with diversity, interculturalisme, and expressions of faith. And sad that the government is not going back to the more nuanced and moderate laïcité ouverte of the Bouchard-Taylor Commission.

However, delaying implementation of a bad law does not make it good.

Charte des valeurs québécoises – À peine connue, déjà contestée | Le Devoir.

Le mieux et le bien

Parti Québécois to unveil secular charter Tuesday

And a naive article on the implications for Charter challenges:

Vers des exceptions à la Charte des valeurs

And divisions among the membership of one of the teacher’s unions, the Fédération autonome de l’enseignement (FAE), not surprising but illustrative of Québec public opinion:

Laïcité – La position de la FAE décriée

An opinion piece by Lucia Ferretti, largely favourable to the proposed approach, and noting how embedded religion is in society, whether the schooling system in Québec (government-financed faith-based schools unlike Ontario, NGOs). He neglects the human rights element of freedom of religion, which includes, of course, Catholics in Québec, whether secularized or traditional, whether progressive or traditional (like other religions):

Charte des valeurs québécoises – Séparation oui, neutralité, non

And a good piece by Bruce Anderson on how motives, and how they are perceived, can help a policy initiative sink or swim:

 Bruce Anderson: For Marois’s charter, voters will judge the motives 

And some good profiles in the Globe from a range of Québécois:

Five Quebeckers weigh in on the proposed secular charter

Sheema Khan reinforces her ongoing message:

Institutions should reflect local best practices, where discourse, debate and inclusion of stakeholders set the tone. Currently, most Muslim institutions are replicas of their foreign counterparts, with a top-down approach in which the voices of women and youth are often absent.

We need intelligent, dispassionate discussions of how Western principles, such as gender equality, freedom of conscience, freedom of expression and critical inquiry, meld with overarching Islamic principles.

Civic engagement will also be paramount for future integration, as Muslims participate in wider policy issues, such as the environment, energy security, aboriginal self-assertion and, yes, Quebec identity.

In classical Islamic thought, the overriding principle of the faith was understood to be mercy. It was manifest by the intent to do good to others, to bring benefit to the wider society and to prevent harm. It is a principle worth resurrecting as Muslims establish roots here.

Reconciling Muslim practices with Western principles