Looking for an ‘IELTS clear girl’: Why Canada’s international student reforms may spoil these kinds of marriages in India

Interesting read and suspect more of these stories will come out as the new restrictions on international students come into effect:

At first glance, it looks just like any matrimonial profile, detailing the age, height and education background of the boy looking for a match. But then there’s a twist: Only an “IELTS clear girl” should bother responding.

In another ad, a young woman with a bachelor’s degree in science is looking for a groom interested in moving to Canada and willing to bear all expenses. And her biggest asset, as advertised: “IELTS 7 band.”

IELTS stands for the International English Language Testing System, one of the world’s most popular English proficiency tests for higher education and immigration — and an entry requirement to come to Canada. International students need a minimum overall score of 6 in writing, reading, listening and speaking English for admission to undergraduate and diploma programs in this country.

A perfect match would mean the bride could get the boy’s family to pay for her tuition and living costs of studying abroad. In exchange, the groom could come to Canada on an open work permit, accompanying the spouse. And they’d both hope to one day earn their permanent residence here.

“These are real marriages and there’s nothing illegal about it,” said Rajinder Taggar, an investigative reporter based in Chandigarh, India. “You can find these matrimonial ads very easily, in all the newspapers. People make no secret about it.”

But the practice of so-called “IELTS marriages” is coming to an end, quickly, after Canada’s announcement last week to tighten up the international student program. Among the many changes made by Ottawa is stop issuing work permits to the spouses of international students in undergraduate and diploma programs.

“The boy marries the girl and his family puts money in her studies, so the spouse can come,” Vinay Hari, a prominent education agent based in Jalandhar, told the Star.  “Now that will stop. The girl will not get the money for the education in Canada.

“They will file divorces and their relationships will be terminated. It’s already happening.”

Almost 40 per cent of Canada’s international students these days come from India, where prospective students are being hardest hit by Canada’s recent changes to the international student program.

Last month, Immigration Minister Marc Miller announced a plan to slash the number of new study permits issued across Canada this year by 35 per cent from last year’s level, to 364,000, while leaving the number of applicants accepted in master’s and doctoral programs, as well as those admitted to primary and secondary schools, uncapped.

Other new or recent measures include:

• Effective on Jan. 1, doubling the cost-of-living financial requirement for study permit applicants from $10,000 to $20,635 in addition to their first year of tuition and travel costs;

• Starting Sept. 1, stopping to issue post-graduation work permits to international students who complete programs provided under so-called Public College-Private Partnerships;

• In the weeks ahead, the spouses of most international students will no longer be granted work permits, with the exception of those studying in graduate schools or in a professional program such as medicine or law.

These three measures are intended to raise the bar and plug the incentives for people to take advantage of the international student program in what Miller has described as a “backdoor entry” into Canada.

According to Taggar, the Indian journalist, IELTS marriages have been happening for some time, but they became more common with Canada’s open policy to welcome international students and the marketing by unscrupulous agents to promote international studies as an immigration scheme.

“Girls work harder and are smarter. And they pass the IELTS exam,” said Taggar, who has published in the Tribune, Indian Express, Hindustan Times, and Times of India. “Some of them come from poor families but they are good at studies. The boys’ families will pay for the education. They want to come to Canada and become permanent residents. That’s all.”

Removing the spousal work permit for students in undergraduate and college programs, which are normally cheaper and shorter than postgraduate studies, would deter that kind of exploitation of the international student program, he said.

Hari, the education agent, said he has received more than 100 inquiries in the past week from prospective students who asked to withdraw their applications for programs delivered under public-private college partnerships because they will no longer grant postgraduation work permits.

These partnerships are mostly between smaller public colleges in remote communities in the province and private colleges in Greater Toronto, where international students prefer to live — prompted by the public institutions’ need to stay afloat amid declining domestic enrolment and provincial funding cut.

The business model allows taxpayer-funded colleges to provide curriculum at a fee to private career college partners, who can hire their own non-unionized instructors to deliver the academic programs in the region.

Graduates from the private colleges then get a public college credential, which made them eligible for a postgraduate work permit as a pathway for permanent residence.

After the Jan. 22 changes, “they told us, ‘Sir, I don’t want to go to a (public-private partnership college). Transfer my application to the (public college) main campus,'” Hari said. “They don’t want to go to Hanson College in Toronto or Brampton. They want to go to Cambrian College in Sudbury.”

Over the last five years, said Hari, Canada has gained a bad reputation in India as a destination for immigration through education. As a result, many Indian students are enrolled in college diploma programs that give them quick access to work permits but won’t necessarily advance their employment and career prospects.

He said serious learners now tend to prefer the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia, while those who want to immigrate come to study in Canada.

“Thousands of these students are coming for these general business programs,” said Hari, who has helped more than 11,000 students come to study in Canada in the last 14 years. “Did Canada produce that many businessmen and entrepreneurs?

“This immigration scam has given students the opportunity to work full time. So students are not coming but labourers are coming.

Hari said many prospective students and their families in India are panicking in the wake of Miller’s announcement because the price tag has now gone even higher, with education agents quickly shifting to promote and market the master’s programs in Canada.

“Canada has to support the quality education. They have to fund public colleges and universities,” he said. “The PPPs have created a mess and I think Canada is now on track again.”

Nitin Chawla, an education agent and immigration consultant based in Ludhiana in Punjab state, said he’s already seeing the impacts of Canada’s new rules as inquiries about Canada have slowed down and most people walking into his office are now exploring the opportunities to study in other countries, such as New Zealand.

While these changes might be good for Canada because they’ll raise the qualifying requirements and help weed out the “weaker” students, Chawla said they are going to have ripple effects on the consulting industry and employment in India, where tens of thousands of people make a living selling immigration to this country.

“Here in Punjab, the first word a baby learns is Canada,” he said. “People will not stop going to Canada, but the number will drop very badly. People have already started withdrawing (visa application) files.”

He predicted many people in India will lose their consulting and recruitment jobs, including some of his 40 staffers, and so will many employed in the postsecondary education sector in Canada.

In a recent entry on his blog, Alex Usher, an expert on higher education, said the federal crackdown on the public-private college partnerships — upwards of 125,000 international students in Greater Toronto — is going to take at least $1.5 billion in revenue out of the hands of Ontario colleges.

“Without the promise of a post-graduation work visa, it is hard to see how those spots are going to stay filled,” wrote Usher, president of Higher Education Strategy Associates. “I’d wager a couple of the northern colleges, who used PPPs as a way to escape the brutal economics of teaching in the more sparsely populated north, will be in need of a bailout soon.”

Source: Looking for an ‘IELTS clear girl’: Why Canada’s international student reforms may spoil these kinds of marriages in India

Journalism schools are failing a generation of students

Worth reflecting upon. I have noticed this tendency in some news organizations (including the CBC) and some reporters. The other issue I would flag is the comparative weakness of numeracy and understanding data, in favour of relying on individual stories and anecdotes:

The other day I was rummaging around in my basement and stumbled across a tattered binder from my 2010 Carleton University journalism school days. As I brushed away the dust from my 14-year-old handwritten notes, my eyes were drawn to my very first reporting class lesson. My professor, Norma Greenaway, a Postmedia journalist of 40 years, set out what we journalist hatchlings had to keep top of mind as we put pen to paper for the very first time. We had responsibilities to the reader that we had to remember. I had scribbled down some words in my notepad and underlined them twice: “Be balanced and fair.”

I was reminded of those marching orders last week when, appearing on our Hub Dialogues podcast, TVO’s The Agenda host Steve Paikin said the freshest crop of Canadian journalists had a much weaker devotion to objectivity than their predecessors. Hub editor-at-large Sean Speer asked Paikin whether he had “observed any fault lines or tensions [around objectivity] with the new generation of journalists.”

“Yes,” said Paikin. “This was a major fault line nowadays with the new journalism,” he confessed. This was big. One of the most well-known and respected impartial journalists in Canada was pointing out something my colleagues and I at CBC, CTV, and a variety of other outlets had whispered about over late-night beers for years.

Paikin continued:

“That’s the tradition that I was brought up in. I don’t seek a particular political outcome when I cover an election campaign. I believe there are many younger people nowadays who, because they have been taught this way in journalism schools, believe not only is it their job to figure out which is the best party that ought to govern, but then [to] tailor their coverage accordingly to ensure that the party that they don’t like runs into the roughest time…I think it’s a big problem.”

He went on to add that, as an “old school” journalist, he saw his job as reporting the “objective” facts on the ground. The reader needed to be allowed “to come to his own conclusion.”

Cue online Canadian journalist outrage. “I listened to it twice, I thought I was perhaps having an aneurism,” tweeted Policy Options editor-in-chief Les Perreaux. “Genuinely, at a loss here,” added The Narwhal’s Emma McIntosh. Bubbles burst in newsrooms across the nation. The consensus seemed to be that we should dismiss this sort of critique in its entirety. Nothing to see here. Everything is fine. Move along. 

But there is something there.

For the record, I think Steve likely overstepped. I say this as someone who worked with him for a decade in the mainstream media. Let’s not feed outrage and potential conspiracy. I do not believe that journalism schools are nefariously and intentionally building an army of “big L” Liberal partisan flying monkeys so that they can be released into the sky and dive-bomb Conservative candidates across the country. They are not raising left-wing partisans, or telling them to support left-wing political parties.

However, journalism schools are now developing and encouraging almost exclusively left-wing storytellers, who are most comfortable with progressive storylines, and who often question the value of objectivity. And, at the end of the day, isn’t that almost as bad for Canadian democracy?

In the newsroom: what makes a story?

I have had the privilege of mentoring countless journalism school students and interns for the last ten years, so I have had a front-row seat for this shift in journalistic thinking. I have watched, in real-time, how a new generation of journalists has changed the reasoning around what the purpose of journalism is, whether objectivity matters, and what constitutes a good story. 

Five or so years ago I started noticing that nearly every pitch that came out of their mouths fell within the “social justice” realm. More specifically, pitches were from the new progressive and increasingly orthodox and illiberal perspective. They dealt with various conditions of victimhood, that were not to be questioned but emblazoned on the banner of universal justice.

This is not to say that some of these stories didn’t deserve to be told. They should make up a slice of the journalistic story pie. But…the whole pie?

Stories increasingly fit a mold of “_______ group felt hurt by _______.  Here is their story.” Their coverage increasingly prioritized “lived experiences” over expertise, and “first-person accounts” instead of data. The job was sometimes seen as a way to upend power structures. Truths multiplied. Stories about members of a community could only be told by members of that community. Interns and students were at a loss when it came to finding right-leaning sources. It was rare, if ever, that they suggested a debate-style program. Many weren’t checking their biases at the door. It seemed that some believed it was their job to tell their audience what was wrong, who was in the wrong, and what needed to be done about it, rather than allowing the audience to draw their own conclusions. 

What I could not determine was how much of this was caused by a new generation that saw the world differently, or a new kind of journalism professor in front of the chalkboard. Or whether it was both.

In the classroom: what makes a lesson?

Following the 2020 murder of George Floyd in the United States, the wave of reckoning over racism crossed the border and lapped up against the doors of Canada’s top journalism schools. 

In Toronto, a Ryerson University (now Toronto Metropolitan University) journalism student-led committee wrote an open letter claiming “institutionalized racism and discrimination” at the journalism school had “caused trauma for past and present students alike.” More than 200 signatories, many of whom identified as Black, Indigenous, people of colour (BIPOC), and LGBTQ2IA+ said their school “contributed to an unsafe learning environment” that “resulted in perpetuated systemic racism, further traumatizing students and reinforcing the values of discrimination that Ryerson University was built on.” They insisted the idea of objectivity in journalism undermined marginalized experiences. 

Student testimony included in-depth descriptions of alleged microaggressions, anxiety attacks, and tearful moments. The students and graduates called for staff to attend mandatory “Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI)” training and “de-escalation, mental health, and empathy” lessons. The journalism curriculum, they insisted, needed to become “equitable, accessible, and decolonized.” If their demands were not met, they said the Canadian media industry would continue to be a product of “perpetuated whiteness and elitism.” If their directions were followed, they insisted, together they and the school would build the next generation of Canadian journalists.

Before the letter had even been released to the press, TMU’s School of Journalism chair Janice Neil and associate chair Lisa Taylor both resigned, saying it was time for a “major reset.” The faculty that remained promised to “transform” their journalism curriculum by enacting as many of the requests as possible, as quickly as possible. They would prioritize the student experience “through a lens of EDI,” expand the “understanding of what journalism is,” and introduce “critical approaches” to reporting classes. They also swore to provide equity training for staff, create “safe space forums” and look into erasing the name “Ryerson” from student paper mastheads.

In Ottawa, racialized students also used this moment to advocate for “institutional change” within a Carleton journalism department they described as a hotbed of white supremacy. An open letter written by 21 journalism students and graduates was published accusing the school of “perpetuating systemic discrimination” against Black, Indigenous, and other people of colour and “deterring them from pursuing careers as journalists.” The letter described “racist slurs” and “microaggressions.” It listed, in detail, harmful situations students said they had experienced, including being mistaken for international students, repeated criticism of accents, and a lack of Black teachers. This group also challenged the idea of journalistic objectivity, which they claimed was an idea invented by “white, straight, cis-male journalists.” Among their list of requirements, the signatories called for all staff to undergo repeated anti-bias and critical race theory training. They also demanded the journalism school start surveying the race of journalism students. 

“The reality is journalists are coming into the workspace not fully understanding the fundamentals of journalism. Activism has crept into their journalism.”SENIOR CBC HOST

How did the adult faculty, composed of veteran journalists, respond to this call for major reform? They endorsed it. The staff acknowledged their role “in the perpetuation of systemic racism in the education of young journalists.” They assigned unconscious bias training for all instructors and armed them with a diversity and inclusion curriculum checklist that instructed them to teach non-traditional views on objectivity. They encouraged staff to enroll in an educational retreat entitled “Theatre of the Oppressed.” They redesigned the first-year courses to ensure they had “a strong central focus on diversity and inclusion.” They said journalists and journalism students must “challenge and dismantle a white supremacist colonial mindset which we have internalized both collectively and individually” at the journalism school and in the industry. They injected “antiracist and decolonial pedagogies” into the curriculum. Overall, the journalism school promised it would practice “anti-racism” and “anti-oppression.” Finally, the faculty expressed how much they valued “lived experience.” For a school that once taught me to use simple everyday language, they were certainly not practicing what they preached in their press releases.

A handful of the changes made sense. Of course the faculty should attract more diverse instructors. Of course minority voices have sometimes been ignored or misrepresented in Canadian reporting. Of course journalism students should be obligated to take a course on reporting on Indigenous Peoples. Of course there should be financial support for racialized students who are struggling financially. 

But you can call out racism and promote diversity without doing it entirely through the lens of the new identity politics.

Politics is the keyword here. Approaches like those referenced above are inherently political. They are regularly and exclusively employed by left-wing thinkers and left-wing political parties. I am sure many of the people using them mean well and believe they are committing real positive change. But, by accepting these demands in the way these schools did—fully embracing, promoting, and teaching this terminology and the issues that come with it—journalism schools send a political message to their students that this is the “correct” and perhaps only way to see the world and tell the stories of Canadians. 

As journalist and podcaster Tara Henley summarized on our Hubs Dialogue podcast last week, “This thinking has dominated the media…It is presented as a moral imperative. ‘If you are a decent person this is how you should think about the world.’ It is not presented as an ideology…[But] this is a political ideology and we are politicizing content.” 

In sum, these schools act like they have cornered the moral market. They end up producing young journalists who struggle to understand or appreciate any competition to the progressive worldview.

This “new journalism” education means students are often not ready to practice their trade in the real world. Yesterday, I spoke with a senior CBC host, who asked to remain anonymous. “The reality is [student] journalists are coming into the workspace not fully understanding the fundamentals of journalism,” they said. “Activism has crept into their journalism. Thankfully vetting and editing by more seasoned staff catch a bunch of it. But it’s there.”

A CTV journalist, also wishing to remain anonymous, recently described it to me this way, “Younger journalists entering newsrooms are often more committed to sticking to their own idealism, than considering a story from every angle,” she said. “They have practised technical skills, but lack news judgement, perspective and are unprepared to be challenged, or to challenge their own assumptions. The result is stories and news copy that lacks critical context or meaningful insight.”

For me, it is all the more egregious given that J-school is about educating the next generation of storytellers. Journalism teachers have immense power and responsibility when it comes to influencing the thinking of their students. On the first day of fall semester, professors are met with near-blank slates—young, impressionable students who have few major points of reference when it comes to the craft of reporting. They are the ones teaching those who will inform Canadians about their country. It should be the professor’s job to encourage students to seek out the full range of perspectives, exposing students to the issues and stories that Canadians on both the Left and Right value. Instead, the message sent to journalism students who consider “right-wing” topics or perspectives is that their kind of thinking is not welcome, and even more troubling, not morally right.  

The future isn’t the brightest for our journalism schools, making a return to reason all the more necessary. Six Canadian journalism school programs recently paused or shut down admissions. Trust in Canadian news has dropped 18 percent in five years. Canadians’ interest in the news has dropped by more than 20 percent in just six years. Jobs are disappearing, with some estimates showing there are less than 10,000 of us journalists left.

While I am sure there are still rational journalism professors out there teaching the craft skillfully and without bias, I am increasingly worried.

Last week, I raised some of my worries with the current director of Carleton’s journalism program Allan Thompson; a man I respect, one who taught me journalism. He’s also someone who has no doubt worked to check his own biases, having twice run for the federal Liberals. Thompson listened politely, didn’t engage with my broader concerns, and graciously invited me to “debate the nature of objectivity until the cows come home.”

What’s to be done?

So, what is to be done? In my own small way I have tried my best to counter some of this as a journalism mentor, offering some selective “unlearning” lessons. I have tried to teach students and interns that truth is not an “orthodoxy already known to an enlightened few whose job is to inform everyone else”, but a “process of collective discovery”. I have told them that, while perfectly pure objectivity does not exist, as journalists we must identify our biases, check them at the door, and strive for objectivity. I have encouraged them to go out in the field and speak face-to-face with people with whom they disagree. I have told them to go out of their way to ask critical questions of those who share their values. I taught them the advice of my journalism professor Norma all those years ago—to be “fair and balanced.” And that’s the real fair and balanced. Not the ridiculous Fox News slogan.

Consider this my open letter. My “lived experience.”

Source: Journalism schools are failing a generation of students

Stop Granting U.S. Citizenship to Children of Foreign Diplomats

Interesting distinction that the USA makes between diplomats and administrative and consular staff. Canada does not make that distinction and any child of a representative of a foreign government is not entitled to Canadian citizenship. The only exception, likely rare, if one of the parents is also Canadian citizen or Permanent Residents when the child is born.

However, the Vavilov case indicated that undeclared foreign representatives such as spies, can obtain citizenship for their offspring, based on what was an overly narrow interpretation by the Supreme Court. Any future change to the Citizenship Act should address this gap.

Likely CIS overstates the the risks and the extent of the practise given their overall orientation:

…Under State Department’s complicated rules, babies born in this country to blue-list diplomats are not considered U.S. citizens, while white-list offspring, born from parents who are typically administrative or consular staff, are deemed full Americans. This strange outcome ignores the fact that, in both cases, the foreign parents are temporarily in our country, employed by another government or international organization, and enjoying unique diplomatic privileges or immunities. The State Department’s Office of Foreign Missions (OFM) is charged with keeping up with the distinctions and managing this dubious system.

Categorizing foreign officials on one list or another can be a tricky matter, often manipulated by unscrupulous foreign missions that seek to help a pregnant female staffer birth an American citizen. As the Sobhani case demonstrates, OFM’s important function, if not done right, can result in wrongly handing out U.S. passports.

For years, my colleagues at the Center for Immigration Studies (CIS)have monitored and analyzed this poorly conceived and run system, calling out the vulnerabilities in managing it. No one at the State Department really takes full ownership of supervising the diplomatic lists, as the Sobhani case illustrates, with its administrative headaches and processing confusion. Moreover, it all rests on a fundamentally flawed interpretation of the 14th Amendment’s citizenship clause. CIS has rightly called on the State to change the system.

At any given time, there are some 100,000 foreign diplomats and their dependents living in the United States. These officials are accredited to bilateral embassies and consulates as well as a plethora of international organizations, most significantly the United Nations and its satellite entities. Keeping up with these people is a major challenge.

Although many, perhaps most, foreign officials are professionals not interested in exploiting their diplomatic presence, a significant number are out to game their privileges, including scoring U.S. passports for relatives and friends.

Source: Stop Granting U.S. Citizenship to Children of Foreign Diplomats

ICYMI: Douglas Todd: Why Vancouver housing prices became so out of whack

Not much new but neverthelesss telling:

Prices in Canada’s major cities have also been growing extremely fast compared to other countries.

The U.S. Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas, which monitors global economic trends, reports that Canadian housing prices since 2015 have skyrocketed roughly twice as swiftly as prices in the U.S., United Kingdom, Germany and France.

Why? Even the stodgy Bank of Canada, which is hard to accuse of being racist, in January acknowledged that the country’s rapid population growth, 98 per cent of which comes from international migration, has led to higher costs for housing.

The National Bank of Canada’s chief economist, Stefane Marion, is also among the many voices lamenting how years of welcoming record-breaking numbers of new residents is strongly contributing to inflation, especially of shelter costs and rents.

Unfortunately, many politicians and the development industry obfuscate the issue by putting virtually all the blame for lofty prices on a lack of supply, plus mortgage rates and bureaucratic red tape.

But a host of housing analysts, such as Steve Saretsky, John Pasalis, Ron Butler, Stephen Punwasi, Ben Rabidoux, Patrick Condon, Mike Moffat and others, counter that Canadian developers, especially in Metro Vancouver, have been building new housing at a frantic rate — yet still cannot come close to keeping up with demand.

That demand has been exacerbated ever since 2015, when newly elected Prime Minister Justin Trudeau began to crank up targets for new permanent and non-permanent residents to rates far more intense than any other Western country. Last year, Canada’s population grew by a record 1.25 million people because of it.

Meanwhile, a huge cohort of people in Canada who seek a place to live at a reasonable price, including many newcomers, continue to suffer.

For Metro Vancouver, it all adds up to a double whammy: The gateway city has its own distinct house-price problems, and it’s located in a country that compounds them.

Source: Douglas Todd: Why Vancouver housing prices became so out of whack

Idées | L’exception religieuse du Code criminel canadien

Increased focus of debate in Quebec, with Bloc reintroducing a bill to remove this exception (Le Bloc québécois redépose son «projet de loi Charkaoui»). One of my more awkward moments in government occurred while visiting a mosque as part of outreach and finding Charkaoui present.

That being said, making such a change, and implementing it consistently across all religions, would likely be close to impossible:

Ottawa doit impérativement agir pour contrer les propos haineux qui sont à la hausse depuis le début de la guerre au Moyen-Orient. Or, le Code criminel canadien protège les personnes qui fomentent volontairement la haine ou l’antisémitisme, lorsque leurs propos sont exprimés de bonne foi et fondés sur un texte religieux auquel ils croient. 

L’abrogation de cette exception religieuse du Code criminel, qui met d’ailleurs aussi à mal la neutralité religieuse de l’État canadien, semble donc une étape indispensable pour la sécurité et le bien-être des Canadiens.

C’est dans cette optique que le Bloc Québécois a déposé, en novembre dernier, le projet de loi C-367 visant à « colmater » une « brèche complaisante » du Code criminel qui autorise les discours haineux ou antisémites lorsqu’ils sont fondés sur la religion. Malheureusement, ce projet de loi est resté lettre morte, n’ayant même pas été considéré dans l’ordre des priorités du gouvernement fédéral.

Le Bloc québécois vient de relancer le débat en déposant, en ce début de session parlementaire, un deuxième projet de loi pour éliminer l’exception religieuse du Code criminel. Les députés fédéraux seront donc de nouveau appelés à se prononcer sur le sujet.

Rappelons que ce n’est pas la première fois qu’Ottawa fait la sourde d’oreille sur ce sujet. En effet, en 2017-2018, plus de 1500 personnes avaient signé une pétition demandant l’abrogation de cette exception religieuse. La réponse du gouvernement était alors inadéquate puisque la jurisprudence R. c. Keegstra (1990) évoquée pour justifier son refus d’abrogation datait d’avant l’introduction de cette exception religieuse dans le Code criminel en 2004.

L’association des Libres penseurs athées, à l’origine de la pétition de 2017-2028, avait pourtant fait valoir que :

1. Les textes de plusieurs des principales religions du monde comportent des propos qui dénigrent et prônent la haine contre les incroyants, les femmes, les homosexuels ou certains groupes ethniques ou raciaux, des propos qui parfois appellent à la violence, voire à la violence mortelle.  

2. Les religions constituent donc une importante cause de propagande haineuse contre plusieurs groupes.  

3. La liberté de religion des uns ne doit pas avoir préséance sur les droits fondamentaux des autres et ne doit jamais, en aucun cas, menacer ni l’intégrité physique ni la vie des membres des groupes visés par les propos haineux dans ces textes religieux.

Plus récemment, c’est le discours de l’imam Adil Charkaoui, prononcé le 28 octobre 2023 lors d’une manifestation pro-palestinienne près de la Place des Arts, à Montréal, qui a sensibilisé les politiciens à l’égard de l’existence de l’exception religieuse du Code criminel. Ce dernier avait proclamé, en arabe : « Allah, charge-toi de ces agresseurs sionistes. Allah, charge-toi des ennemis du peuple de Gaza. Allah, recense-les tous, puis extermine-les. Et n’épargne aucun d’entre eux ! »

À l’époque, même le premier ministre Justin Trudeau avait condamné les propos de l’imam Charkaoui tout en affirmant, cependant, que le Canada « a déjà des règles très sévères contre l’incitation à la haine, au génocide et à la violence ». 

Qu’attend le gouvernement fédéral pour éliminer cette exception religieuse qui semble protéger de tels discours haineux ? Son inaction à cet égard est d’autant plus étonnante que la lutte contre le discours haineux est une priorité du gouvernement actuel.

Espérons que le deuxième projet de loi du Bloc québécois demandant l’abrogation de l’exception religieuse sera mieux accueilli et fasse partie des priorités du gouvernement pour la session d’hiver 2024.

L’autrice est retraitée de la Commission canadienne des droits de la personne. Elle signe ce texte à titre personnel.

Source: Idées | L’exception religieuse du Code criminel canadien

‘To me, it was a prison’: Children held in Doukhobor camp in 1950s set to receive apology from B.C. government

Of note:

The B.C. government has offered a $10-million compensation package to people taken from their homes as children 70 years ago due to their parents’ religious beliefs.

The offer was made along with an apology from Attorney General Niki Sharma at a private event in Castlegar today, where she met with members and relatives of the Sons of Freedom Doukhobors who were forcibly removed from their parents in the 1950s.

Many were placed in a former tuberculosis sanatorium in New Denver, B.C., about 150 kilometres east of Kelowna, between 1953 and 1959, where they have testified they received physical and psychological abuse

The Sons of Freedom were a small group within the Doukhobor community, an exiled Russian Christian group that was once known for naked protests and periodically burning down their own homes as a rejection of materialism.

The provincial government will be making a formal apology later this year for its treatment of children from the Doukhobor community in the Kootenays. But the apology is not seen as an entirely positive development.

There may be up to 100 survivors from the Sons of Freedom group, who are now in their 70s and 80s.

Sharma acknowledged the children were “mistreated both physically and psychologically” and that the government’s actions caused anxiety for the broader Doukhobor community.

Lorraine Walton, the daughter of two survivors of the Doukhobor internment and an advocate for the Lost Voices of New Denver group, said her parents’ souls are finally at peace following the apology.

She acknowledged, however, that the compensation being offered by the government was coming far too late for her parents and uncle, who were interned at New Denver for multiple years.

Source: ‘To me, it was a prison’: Children held in Doukhobor camp in 1950s set to receive apology from B.C. government

Globe editorial: Canada is an immigration nation

Latest Globe immigration editorial advocating for an increased share of economic immigration, partly to replace needed reductions of international students and temporary workers, in the context of overall levels of one percent of the population, or about 400,000, a reduction of about 20 percent from 2025 target:

But the fact remains that Canada needs immigrants, badly. Statistics Canada reported last week that the total fertility rate has declined to 1.33 children per woman, far below 2.1 replacement rate that ensures a stable population. Without robust immigration, Canada would lack the workers needed to fill labour shortages, and to pay the taxes that sustain social services and pensions.

Other developed countries that do not embrace immigration, from Japan to Poland, are experiencing weak economic growth and relentless population decline. To prevent that, Canada needs to maintain an intake target of about 1 per cent of the existing population annually.

Lastly, economic migration should be the focus of any expansion of overall immigration targets. Ottawa is already moving in that direction, with the economic migration category edging up to a planned 60 per cent of the total in 2026 from 58 per cent in 2022. That proportion should continue to rise, with other categories increasing at a slower pace.

Canada’s history of welcoming newcomers is not just one of this country’s finest characteristics – it is one of our biggest competitive advantages. Measured action now can restore confidence to the immigration system that has served Canada so well for so many years.

Source: Canada is an immigration nation

Madhany: Immigration is our future

Not convinced that centralizing immigration in PCO/PMO will make much difference given the overall degree of centralization of this government. Whether more consultations with the provinces and stakeholders (interest groups) would be more effective, arguably existing consultations have resulted in today’s mess:

….At the same time, last year, 1.2 million immigrants arrived in this country, the highest level ever recorded in this country’s history. Canada also broke the 40-million mark in terms of population. This population influx has heightened strains and fractures in longstanding, complex issues around housing affordability, health care, economic mobility, and more. 

Complex issues require cohesive solutions. So, as we enter a new parliamentary session, we ask for the government to bring a holistic approach to this critical issue. That includes centralizing the issue at the federal level in the Office of the Prime Minister and Privy Council Office. That includes incentivizing collaboration and ensuring accountability at the provincial level. And that includes ensuring that immigrant leaders and immigrant-serving organizations have a seat at the table when these issues are being discussed, along with employers, regulators and others invested in the success of this country and its newest residents. 

Immigrants are and must be part of the solution to complex issues facing Canada and our global community. From the health-care industry to the construction industry, and from Ontario to the Northwest Territories, we can bring our skills and our abilities to bear across the nation to help move this country forward. We are ready to work together with all levels of government and stakeholders who serve newcomers to create the long-term immigration strategy Canada desperately needs. We believe immigration is our future, and we are ready to dig in together to make it happen.

Shamira Madhany is the managing director for Canada and deputy executive director at World Education Services.

Source: Immigration is our future

Ottawa must restore balance between its temporary and permanent resident programs

Arguably, IRCC could include temporary workers and international students in the annual levels plan in advance of an amendment to IRPA given that no such amendment is likely during the current parliamentary session;

….

legislative amendment should also require the minister to include such details and future planning in reports to Parliament. And in the short term, aside from readjusting the overall immigration balance, Ottawa could shift proportions within the temporary streams to prioritize helping critical industries such as health care, construction, educational services and agriculture.

There may be pushback from businesses that have grown dependent on this source of cheap labour, but this can be mitigated if their concerns are taken seriously when they tell the government that Canadians are unwilling to do certain jobs. We cannot dismiss the reality that part of the service sector can only survive with low-wage, low-skill foreign workers. This issue is not unique to Canada, though, and it will not disappear tomorrow.

To maintain Canada’s pro-immigration consensus, welcoming newcomers should generally be tied to a pro-economic-growth vision. Allowing many businesses to depend on low-skill temporary workers disincentivizes investments that increase productivity, so Mr. Miller should reduce the proportion of temporary resident visas in relation to permanent ones. The challenge will be in doing this humanely, while recognizing the contribution of low-skill migrants.

Source: Ottawa must restore balance between its temporary and permanent resident programs

Israel and the International Community

A reminder to those who casually label Israel’s actions in Gaza genocide of what the court actually ruled:

A critical takeaway from all of this should be that the international community, no matter how much Israelis find it vexing, can serve as an important shield and corroborator for Israel. Leftist protestors were not slowed down one bit by Israel dismissing their overreaching claims of genocide, but those claims are now harder to sustain—even if they will continue apace anyway—in the wake of international law’s highest body declining to order Israel’s operations in Gaza to stop. It was easy to dismiss Israeli gripes about UNRWA as hasbara in the service of a battle against Palestinian refugeehood, but that no longer carries the same weight after UNRWA fired its own employees and many of its largest donors halted its funding. While it is absolutely true that hostility to Israel permeates the U.N. and many international institutions and NGOs always have Israel in their crosshairs, that same international community can vindicate Israel in ways that nobody else can.

On the other side, those who have been screaming about genocide and referencing international law and Israel’s allegedly manifest violations of it at every opportunity should have the decency to revisit their prebaked assertions. I don’t expect that most of the protestors who deploy the genocide charge as if they are noting a fact as straightforward as the sun rising in the east will be swayed by the ICJ or any other evidence that contradicts their convictions, but they should acknowledge that the rug has been pulled out from under them. Israel’s war conduct is not perfect, and there are likely plenty of violations of international law and much objectionable conduct that people can find. But that does not make it genocide, and based on the ICJ’s provisional orders, Israel’s war is both ungenocidal and a legitimate defensive response to Hamas’ illegitimate and indefensible actions. If you want to rely on international law to tar Israel, you need to respect that same international law when it tells you that you are wrong.

Source: Israel and the International Community