Groups fighting anti-Black racism file complaint against Canadian Human Rights Commission

No surprise:

A coalition of human rights groups advocating for Black and racialized Canadians has lodged a formal complaint against the Canadian Human Rights Commission (CHRC) for discriminating against its own employees.

The coalition also outlined a number of actions Monday it wants the federal government to take to combat what it calls “systemic discrimination within its structures.”

“We’re relying on the Canadian Human Rights Commission to play a role in the fight to dismantle systemic discrimination, not to be the perpetrator in all of this,” Nicholas Marcus Thompson, executive director of the Black Class Action Secretariat (BCAS), said in Ottawa Monday.

The coalition said it has asked the Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutions (GANHRI) to review the CHRC’s accreditation with the group.

GANHRI is an umbrella organization that coordinates policy and action between the United Nations and domestic human rights organizations.

The coalition said it wants Canada’s human rights body reviewed by GANHRI for violating international human rights law and failing to adhere to the Paris Principles.

Adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1993, the Paris Principles are a set of principles national human rights organizations have to follow to access the United Nations Human Rights Council and other bodies.

The CHRC receives and investigates complaints from federal departments and agencies, Crown corporations and private sector organizations such as banks, airlines and telecommunication companies. It decides which cases will proceed to the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal.

Racism within the CHRC

Last spring, the Canadian government’s human resources arm, the Treasury Board of Canada Secretariat (TBCS), reported that the CHRC had discriminated against its own Black and racialized employees.

The TBCS came to that conclusion after nine employees filed a policy grievance through their unions alleging that “Black and racialized employees at the CHRC face systemic anti-Black racism, sexism and systemic discrimination.”

“The organizations remain hopeful that this action will lead to significant reforms within the CHRC, ensuring it can effectively safeguard human rights and foster an inclusive society,” the coalition said in a statement released Monday.

The coalition said it does not wish to see CHRC’s funding cut but wants it to fulfil its role of combating systemic racism.

“We would like to see appropriate funding, and the government not cut funding for the [CHRC] as any type of remedy to address any shortfalls,” Thompson said.

The coalition is calling on the federal government to amend the Canadian Human Rights Act to allow complaints to go directly to the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal, rather than through the CHRC.

The coalition also wants the CHRC’s role changed so that it acts to support people making complaints before the tribunal.

The group said it wants the Employment Equity Act amended “to better reflect intersectionality and to specifically include Black and other equity-deserving groups as designated groups.”

The coalition said it also wants the federal government to appoint a Black equity commissioner to serve as an officer of Parliament with powers akin to that of the Auditor General of Canada. The commissioner would be tasked with ensuring equity across “all levels of government and the public service,” the coalition said.

The coalition said it also wants public servants found to have committed acts of discrimination to be held accountable for their actions.

Criticism of the federal action plan

Last week, President of the Treasury Board Anita Anand announced the first steps of the Liberal government’s action plan to support Black public servants.

It includes boosting the number of Black counsellors providing mental health support to public servants and their family members to 60 across the public service.

Anand also announced the launch of an executive leadership program for Black executives to improve career development services for Black public servants.

The coalition criticized the move on mental health services, saying it would have preferred for the department to work with Black public servant groups to develop the initiatives.

“Black employee networks within the federal government [as well as unions] were not consulted on that … announcement about the employee assistance program,” Thompson said. “We’re very, very concerned about that. That approach has to change.”

The coalition includes the BCAS, the Canadian Black Nurses Alliance, the Public Service Alliance of Canada, the Red Coalition, the National Union of Public and General Employees, the Federation of Black Canadians and the Black Canadians Civil Society Coalition.

Later Monday, Anand conceded that her government has “a lot of work to do in terms of building trust with public servants from the Black community.” She said she did reach out to the community before her announcement last week.

“In advance of that announcement, I and my team engaged in consultations with a number of Black public servants,” she said. “Consulting with Black public servants is at the heart of what we are doing as we come forward with supports for Black public servants.”

Source: Groups fighting anti-Black racism file complaint against Canadian Human Rights Commission

J.L. Granatstein: Leaving the old country behind

While the examples of diaspora politics and imported conflicts are valid and real, surveys such as the GSS indicate that by and large, multiculturalism is not a barrier to integration. But these conflicts do increase the challenges, as the Israel Hamas war and related increases in hate crimes demonstrate:

…What was going on? Clearly, the old country ties remained strong in immigrants to Canada. Ethnicity is a powerful force, naturally enough, but official multiculturalism encouraged ethnic communities to retain their identities. There were language schools funded by Ottawa, in addition to newspapers, community centres, and dance troupes. The money flowed because there were votes out there waiting to be harvested.

What was not going on was any effective effort by the state to turn immigrant communities into Canadians. Naomi Klein, (not someone I usually quote approvingly), wrote in 2005 after terrorist attacks in London “that the brand of multiculturalism practiced in Britain (and France, Germany, Canada …) has little to do with genuine equality,” she said. She continued:

It is instead a Faustian bargain, struck between vote-seeking politicians and self-appointed community leaders, one that keeps ethnic minorities tucked away in state-funded peripheral ghettoes while the centres of public life remain largely unaffected by seismic shifts in the national ethnic makeup.

Surely she was right, as we can readily observe when our parties scramble for ethnic votes in the suburban areas of the nation’s large cities.

Most Canadians believe immigration is important for Canada, the present difficulties notwithstanding. But polling also shows that most also believe that we must make Canadians of those who come here. It is not enough to leave them alone in the hope that they will quietly assimilate into accepting our values—peace, order and good government, civility, equality, tolerance, respect for rights—and that if they wish to join us they must understand and accept this. Canada is part of Western Civilization, not a community of communities, as Joe Clark put it, not a post-national state, as Justin Trudeau proclaimed. We are a well-established pluralist, democratic, secular nation.

To paraphrase the American writer David Rieff in the New York Times some years ago, the multicultural fantasy in Canada was that, in due course, assuming that the proper resources were committed and benevolence deployed, immigrants would eventually become liberals. As it was said, they would come to “accept” the values of their new countries. It was never clear how this vision was supposed to coexist with multiculturalism’s other main assumption, which was that group identity should be maintained. But by now that question is largely academic: the Canadian vision of multiculturalism, in all its simultaneous goodwill and self-congratulation, is no longer sustainable. And most Canadians know it. What they don’t know is what to do next.

Stephen Marche was right in saying that the old country must be left behind. It is long past time that Canadians figure out how to make this work.

Source: J.L. Granatstein: Leaving the old country behind

Et le sort des enfants de l’école juive ultraorthodoxe Belz, M. Drainville? 

On the inconsistency in application of regulations to Jewish religious schools and laicité:

Il y a trois jours, nous apprenions dans un article du Devoir que vous aviez accepté de renouveler le permis d’une école juive hassidique malgré un avis défavorable de la Commission consultative de l’enseignement privé. Après analyse du dossier, la Commission a révélé un nombre important de manquements qui perdurent depuis plusieurs années quant au respect du Régime pédagogique. 

Rien de nouveau sous le soleil. Ainsi, en 2009, cette école, qui faisait partie d’un groupe de cinq établissements qui avaient conclu une entente avec l’ex-ministre Michelle Courchesne, avait jusqu’en 2012-2013 pour se conformer aux exigences du ministre. Plus de dix ans plus tard, les lacunes persistent. Pire, les consignes relatives aux mesures sanitaires lors de la pandémie de COVID-19 n’ont jamais été observées, les mises en demeure ont été ignorées et aucune sanction n’a été prise. 

Quant aux ententes conclues avec la ministre Courchesne, autant dire qu’elles furent signées pour calmer le ministère sans intention véritable de les respecter. La Commission a d’ailleurs produit un rapport assez dévastateur à l’endroit de ces écoles, qui constatait que les manquements à la loi sont récurrents. Même les menaces de révoquer les permis sont restées lettre morte, pour la simple et bonne raison que le ministère n’y a pas donné suite. Bref, on tergiverse et, pendant toutes ces années, les enfants de ces communautés qui ont les mêmes droits que tous les enfants du Québec ne reçoivent pas l’instruction qu’ils devraient recevoir pour être en mesure de prendre en main leur destinée. C’est une honte !

En 2017, le législateur modifiait les lois sur l’enseignement privé, sur l’instruction publique et sur la protection de la jeunesse afin de se doter de moyens plus efficaces pour assurer le respect de ces lois relatives à l’ordre public. C’est d’ailleurs ce qui a amené le juge Castonguay à rejeter, en décembre 2020, la requête pour jugement déclaratoire intentée par Yochonon Lowen et Clara Wasserstein contre le Procureur général du Québec, entre autres. Ces demandeurs ont fait preuve d’un grand courage puisqu’ils ont débuté dans la vie sans avoir l’enseignement nécessaire pour s’assurer — et assurer à leurs enfants — une vie correcte. 

Les objectifs poursuivis par ces lois étaient, entre autres, d’établir des mécanismes de suivi pour mieux identifier les enfants, d’assurer un échange de dossiers avec les autres ministères pour améliorer le suivi, de donner des pouvoirs accrus aux commissions scolaires pour faire le suivi et de permettre une collaboration accrue entre le DPJ et les commissions scolaires.

Le juge Castonguay note au paragraphe 147 de son jugement : « Les articles 18.1, 18.2 et 18.3 de la Loi sur l’enseignement privé permettent au ministre de refuser le renouvellement d’un permis ou encore de le faire en posant des conditions impératives. »

 Les conditions rattachées au permis accordé dans le passé, et ce, depuis plus d’une décennie, n’ont jamais été respectées, ou si peu, seulement pour donner le change et gagner du temps. Il y a longtemps que le ministre aurait dû sévir. On ne peut plus prétendre que les lois ne lui en donnent pas le pouvoir. Malheureusement, pour faire l’économie d’une tension avec les directeurs des écoles hassidiques, le Collège rabbinique de Montréal et les autres instances qui dirigent ces communautés, le ministre préfère sacrifier sur l’autel de la soi-disant bonne entente l’avenir de ces enfants, qui sont des milliers, qui n’auront absolument pas les outils requis pour fonctionner dans la société ouverte de demain et accomplir leur destinée selon leurs aspirations. 

Le Québec a fait le choix de la laïcité afin de permettre à toutes et à tous de s’épanouir tout en respectant leur liberté de religion. Les deux éléments ne sont pas incompatibles, mais complémentaires. Les citoyens financent des écoles qui ne respectent pas les lois pourtant applicables à tout le monde sur le territoire québécois. Cela mine grandement les fondements de notre société et risque à plus ou moins long terme de créer des problèmes de cohésion sociale.

Monsieur le Ministre, vous ne respectez pas vos propres lois, comment voulez-vous qu’on vous prenne au sérieux et comment espérez-vous convaincre éventuellement les tribunaux de la justesse de ces choix ? Puis, au-delà de la question du financement des écoles qui persistent à ne pas respecter les règles, ce qui en soi est carrément injuste et discriminatoire, il y a l’avenir des enfants.

Monsieur Drainville, vous dites que c’est le sort des enfants qui vous préoccupe, prouvez-le !  

source: Et le sort des enfants de l’école juive ultraorthodoxe Belz, M. Drainville?

Idées | Il est temps de parler d’immigration autrement

Critique regarding the impact on immigrant sending societies:

Avec une couverture médiatique croissante, l’immigration se trouve au centre des préoccupations de la société canadienne et québécoise. Des débats sur son acceptabilité sociale à son effet sur le développement et l’épanouissement du Québec, le discours a évolué vers des inquiétudes quant à la capacité d’accueil et d’intégration des personnes immigrantes. L’immigration serait-elle devenue un problème ? Récemment, les défis liés au logement ont cristallisé ces préoccupations, qui alimentent les discours sur les capacités d’accueil des personnes immigrantes, les seuils et le recrutement des étudiants étrangers.

Deux facteurs principaux expliquent ce changement dans le ton du discours.

Tout d’abord, les événements survenus au chemin Roxham à partir de 2017, notamment la fermeture de ce passage frontalier le 25 mars 2023, ont marqué un tournant dans la perception de l’immigration. Cette décision visait à modifier les propos entourant l’immigration, jugée trop négative par les gouvernements aux prises avec l’arrivée irrégulière de migrants. Le gouvernement du Québec considérait le passage à Roxham comme un fardeau, une situation indésirable qui risquait de compromettre son image et d’accentuer les tensions frontalières, notamment en lien avec la capacité à accueillir les demandeurs d’asile au Québec, surtout à Montréal. 

Il était nécessaire de dissocier le Québec de cette problématique frontalière en mettant en avant sa vision de société d’immigration, fondée sur l’intégrité de son système d’immigration, la sélection des immigrants désirables et la contribution des immigrants à la croissance économique de la province. Dans les semaines suivant la fermeture du chemin Roxham, les médias ont réintroduit le concept du « bon migrant », mettant en lumière les travailleurs qualifiés capables de pallier la pénurie de main-d’oeuvre et les étudiants étrangers susceptibles de devenir résidents permanents.

Ensuite, l’immigration de travailleurs temporaires est devenue un enjeu majeur pour le développement économique de toutes les régions du Québec. Malgré une politique gouvernementale visant à limiter le nombre d’immigrants à 50 000 résidents permanents sous le mandat de François Legault, le Québec a connu une augmentation significative de l’immigration temporaire — travailleurs, étudiants étrangers et demandeurs d’asile. Cette hausse, illustrée par une augmentation de 46 % du nombre de migrants temporaires en une année, de 2022 à 2023, selon Statistique Canada, répond à une demande croissante du secteur économique en matière de recrutement. 

Cette évolution souligne l’importance de repenser le discours sur l’immigration. Dans son discours, le gouvernement provincial a toujours rappelé que l’immigration ne devait pas venir déséquilibrer certains fondements de la réalité québécoise, notamment la préservation de la langue française et la place du Québec au Canada.

Hospitalité et façon d’habiter le territoire

Comment parler d’immigration autrement ? Premièrement, en répondant au discours de la peur qui provoque une régression identitaire à un niveau mondial, comme on peut le voir relativement aux frontières, mais également dans notre quotidien. On devient méfiant. On craint la personne qui ne nous ressemble pas. On agit différemment sur le plan de notre identité en excluant l’autre. 

Deuxièmement, il est nécessaire de présenter une autre option s’inspirant de ce que le philosophe français Étienne Tassin nomme « une utopie concrète », qui ouvre la voie à une réflexion novatrice sur la manière d’être hospitalier au monde. Il y a une actualité de l’accueil aujourd’hui qui demande de nouvelles idées, de nouvelles actions concrètes. 

Dans un très bel ouvrage, l’historienne Michèle Riot-Sarcey présente trois caractéristiques d’une sensibilité utopique. D’abord, il est important de faire émerger une critique radicale de son temps et de renouer avec une écriture de l’espoir. Il me semble que cela est essentiel. Il faut remettre en question le discours dominant de l’immigration, de la réalité de l’immigration, de la manière dont le système fonctionne, ce qui veut dire articuler une pensée critique des politiques d’immigration de nos sociétés. Ensuite, il faut reconnaître les expériences concrètes et humaines et ne pas rester dans l’abstraction, dans une approche gestionnaire déconnectée de la réalité. Enfin, il faut se donner la possibilité de penser un monde de la migration autre que celui de l’État et de la souveraineté nationale.

Malheureusement, il est frappant de constater à quel point nos gouvernements préfèrent adopter un discours utilitariste du besoin d’immigrants. Par exemple, on discute sans cesse de ce qu’apporte l’immigration au développement de la société québécoise, mais pas de ce que cette émigration provoque sur les sociétés de départ. 

L’émigration s’est inscrite dans un besoin de départ pour des populations en survie économique, mais aujourd’hui, ce qui domine est une logique carrément prédatrice dans la stratégie de recrutement de main-d’oeuvre des pays du Nord à l’égard des bassins du Sud. Qu’en est-il de la justice migrante lorsque des États siphonnent les infirmières et autres professions en pénurie ? Le territoire québécois se doit d’être plus qu’un réservoir de main-d’oeuvre immigrante. Montréal ainsi que les régions ne doivent pas être qu’un simple réservoir de main-d’oeuvre immigrante.

Source: Idées | Il est temps de parler d’immigration autrement

Opinion: Recognizing immigrants’ credentials is important — but it’s just one piece of the puzzle

Of interest:

It has been an unfairly long-standing challenge for skilled immigrants to B.C. and Canada that their foreign credentials all too often go unrecognized. This has held them back from making their full contribution to our economy and building wealth.

For decades, Canada’s immigration system has selected immigrants by prioritizing those who are the most skilled. To deny so many the chance to put those skills into practice has been a waste of their talent and a missed opportunity to make our immigration system even more successful.

That’s why it has been very encouraging to recently see B.C.’s International Credentials Recognition Act that removes barriers to skilled immigrants finding work in 29 regulated professions like engineering, social work, architecture, accounting or veterinary practice.

We can, and should, build on this.

The B.C. Chamber of Commerce has remarked that the act still excludes health care and trades professionals, who are desperately needed in every B.C. community. So, while work in these sectors has been advanced through other recent legislative changes and programs, the provincial government should continue to prioritize these professions and urgently reduce the significant barriers faced by professionals in these sectors.

The province’s most recent Labour Market Outlook predicts about one million B.C. job openings from 2023 to 2033. Demographic trends mean these openings will not be filled by Canadians alone, and immigrants will be needed across the economy to address worker shortfalls and ensure continued prosperity. Removing barriers to skilled immigrants’ entry into the labour force will help make the most of the skills for which they are selected.

But what about the approximately 80 per cent of the economy that lies outside of the regulated professions? In this much larger part of the job market, employers do not formally require a specific diploma, credential or “ticket.” What they are most interested in is whether a candidate can get the job done.

In this wide group of industries and occupations like administration, small business, and many roles in tech, to name a few, hiring decisions are mainly based on a flexible combination of skills, abilities, potential, and experience. Product managers, salespeople or chefs, for example, are not regulated professions.

The province has tremendous levers to affect immigration to B.C. and respond to labour market demand through its powers under the Provincial Nominee Program and legislation that governs regulatory bodies, and should nimbly use them to make sure that not only is B.C. getting people with the skills and abilities employers need, but they are able to work immediately.

Credentials like diplomas, certificates, and degrees are often a shorthand for skills and abilities, but do not necessarily have a direct link to them. They are useful signals for busy hiring managers but are just one piece of the puzzle.

It is an unfortunate fact for skilled immigrants and for the wider B.C. economy that newcomers whose credentials are outside of what’s typically understood have their value discounted heavily, even when they have the skills employers are looking for.

Just as the B.C. government should build on the progress made with act to speed immigrants’ integration into jobs across the economy, B.C.’s employers should also consider the role they play. Are their managers, recruiters, and human resources teams equipped to recognize, hire, and develop skilled workers, no matter where they’re from? Do their processes and policies focus more on credentials than on recognizing real-life skills and abilities?

These are not academic questions. With a long-term competition for talent playing out from the international level on down, the most successful businesses (and economies) will continue to be those that can attract the best talent.

With the International Credential Recognition Act, the B.C. government has taken a clear step in the right direction. At the same time, forward-thinking employers already recognize the immense potential of skilled people no matter where they are from.

Now, it’s time to build on this progress by extending credential recognition to even more in-demand professions like health care and the skilled trades, and ensuring our provincial nominee program responds to labour market needs. It’s also time to make sure B.C. employers large and small across the entire economy have the tools and competencies to attract workers with the skills to meet and exceed their goals.

Fiona Famulak is president and CEO of the B.C. Chamber of Commerce. Patrick MacKenzie is CEO of the Immigrant Employment Council of British Columbia.

Source: Opinion: Recognizing immigrants’ credentials is important — but it’s just one piece of the puzzle

Treasury Board president announces initiatives to support Black public servants

Of note. All interesting initiatives, and future evaluation will be helpful in assessing their effectiveness.

At the macro level, Black public servants have stronger representation than many other racialized groups, hiring, promotion and separation data for the last six years shows the same pattern (the PSES, however, shows higher discrimination for Black public servants):

Treasury Board President Anita Anand announced the first initiatives of the government’s “Action Plan” for Black public servants on Wednesday, including almost $14 million in funding to three federal organizations.

The federal government committed $49.6 million to create career development programs and a mental health fund for Black public servants through its 2022 and 2023 budgets.

At a downtown news conference, Anand announced that nearly $6 million would be provided to Health Canada to introduce “Black-centric enhancements” to the Employee Assistance Program supporting more than 90 federal organizations.

A Treasury Board news release said the funding would help recruit 19 Black counsellors to provide “trauma-informed” mental health support to public servants and their families.

Another $6.9 million would go to the Canada School of Public Service to support career advancement of Black employees through an executive leadership program, with four cohorts of up to 25 Black executives to access the program over two years, beginning this summer.

The Public Service Commission would also get $1.1 million over three years to provide assessment, counselling and coaching services to Black employees.

At the media conference, Anand said the government still had work to do.

“For several years, we’ve heard from Black public servants about the need for targeted supports,” Anand said. “We haven’t done enough and we haven’t done it fast enough.

“I know that there have been challenges in our path to reconcile and that, for many of us, we see that trust in our institutions from the Black community has been broken.”

The announcement comes as the federal government continues to fight a class-action lawsuit filed by Black public service workers in 2020, alleging decades of systemic racism and discrimination.

When asked whether the government had plans to settle the lawsuit, Anand said she was aware that there was “a process in place” and that the certification hearing for the class action was expected in the coming months. She said the decision to certify the lawsuit rested in the hands of the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada.

Anand acknowledged that Amnesty International Canada had recently been granted intervenor status in the case and said the government would not challenge that court decision.

“What I want to make sure we do is to bring forward supports for Black public servants so, as we look prospectively, systemic racism that is at the foundation of the Thompson class action lawsuit does not exist,” Anand said.

In a news release Wednesday afternoon, the Black Class Action Secretariat said it urged the government to settle the lawsuit. The group also raised concerns that the funding allocated to the Employee Assistance Program was insufficient, calling for the establishment of a Black Equity Branch, for the task force’s leadership to be reassessed and for the group to “meaningfully consult” with Black employee networks and labour unions.

Anand said the implementation of the Action Plan would be led by an internal task force primarily made up of Black employees.

Of the almost $50 million in funding, $24.9 million is expected to go to support mental health programs and $19.4 million is planned to go into career and leadership development projects, with $1.1 having already been spent in the 2022-23 fiscal year. The government also plans to spend $4.2 million to operate task force engagements, research and pay members for their work.

The feds are “layering on” new initiatives on top of existing efforts to support equity-seeking groups, like the Mentorship Plus Program and the Mosaic Leadership Development Program.

“Our efforts will not stop here,” Anand said, noting that the rest of the funding was with the task force to introduce new programming in subsequent months once the group determined what was working and what more needed to be done. “These are early investments which will continue to be guided by the lived experience of Black public servants.”

In 2022, a group of Black federal public servants accused the government of racism while working to develop a mental health action plan for Black workers. When asked how she could ensure a similar situation didn’t happen again, Anand said the current task force was working “very well together” and was on “a very positive track and footing” with the action plan.

The task force is set to run “check-ins” with employee networks, surveys and discussions with Black public servants to “further engage on the implementation of current and future initiatives” of the plan.

“There are continuous needs,” Anand said, adding that the 2022 Public Service Employee Survey found that 11 per cent of Black public servants had reported experiencing discrimination on the job. “We need to ensure that we’re listening to what they suggest are the reforms that should be implemented.”

Source: Treasury Board president announces initiatives to support Black public servants

Canadian dream elusive for some racialized 2nd-generation Canadians, study finds

Insightful although the differences between racialized groups is not new:

New research has found that the Canadian dream is proving elusive for some racialized second-generation Canadians born since the 1960s, despite having higher educational levels than their white counterparts.

A new study, entitled “Is the Canadian dream broken? Recent trends in equality of opportunity for the racialized second generation,” found that educational attainment and employment earnings are not uniform across groups of racialized second-generation Canadians, with some groups experiencing further disparities below the mainstream average.

And while educational levels for some racialized groups have surged, employment earnings were lower for most groups compared to the mainstream population, the study found. It also discovered intergroup differences.

The study, by researchers at four universities and released on Wednesday, defines the Canadian dream for immigrants as equality of opportunity and the chance to achieve financial security. Even if the first generation lives in poverty, the next generation will be able to pull itself out of poverty and achieve economic success, according to this definition.

“I don’t think the Canadian dream is accessible to everyone equally,” said Rupa Banerjee, one of the authors of the study and associate professor at Toronto Metropolitan University.

“For some, the Canadian dream is holding pretty well, but for others, it’s failing. And that failure has really, really serious and significant repercussions, not just for them and their family, but for the entire society,” added Banerjee, also the Canada Research Chair in the economic inclusion of immigrants.

“We’ve always kind of been smug that Canada is not like Europe or Canada is not like the U.S., that we’re much more multicultural. We believe in pluralism. But I think that’s a bit of a myth that we’ve kind of felt good about but doesn’t really exist, and in that sense, the Canadian dream is failing.”

The study defines second-generation as Canadian-born individuals with at least one immigrant parent.

It looked at educational attainment and employment earnings in three of “successive 10-year birth-cohorts” of second-generation Canadians from the mid-1960s to the mid-1990s, specifically 1966-1975, 1976-1985, and 1986-1995.

It focused on people 26 to 35, using data from the 1981, 1991, 2001, 2021 Canadian Census of Population and the 2011 National Household Survey. Examining the progress of five racialized groups, South Asian, Chinese, Black, Filipino, and Latin American, it compared them to third-and-higher generation white Canadians.

The study sample would have completed their education and begun their work careers.

Anti-Black racism is real, study author says

According to Banerjee, the study’s main findings include:

  • Chinese and South Asian populations have maintained high educational levels, whereas Black individuals, and to some extent Filipino and Latin American individuals, show declining trends across cohorts.
  • Despite a higher proportion of second-generation individuals holding university degrees, earnings were lower for most groups compared to the mainstream population, with pronounced declines observed over time among Black second-generation men and women.
  • Changing characteristics of immigrant parents do not fully account for these trends, raising questions about longer-term integration processes among different ethno-racial minorities in Canada.

Banerjee said the study shows that anti-Black racism is real and Canada is not a post-racial society.

Source: Canadian dream elusive for some racialized 2nd-generation Canadians, study finds

Lisée | Laïcité, deuxième tour

On the renewal of the notwithstanding clause for Loi 21. Appears like CAQ just wants to renew legislation as is but Lisée argues for some more restrictive provisions, including greater consistency for all religions:

Il est formidable, ce délai de cinq ans. Il y a des contraintes comme ça, qui nous semblent excessives au premier abord, mais qui nous rendent service à l’usage. Cinq ans, c’est le délai après lequel les législateurs, comme les nôtres à l’Assemblée nationale, doivent décider s’ils renouvellent ou non la disposition de dérogation. Celle qu’ils ont attachée à une loi pour dire aux juges : « Pas touche. Nous avons décidé qu’en ce cas précis, les élus, plutôt que les juges, vont rendre un arbitrage entre les droits individuels et les droits collectifs. »

Le sens des mots est important, et le fait que l’on « déroge » à une charte des droits est très négativement connoté. C’est pourquoi le gouvernement de la Coalition avenir Québec tente d’y substituer l’expression « clause de souveraineté parlementaire ». Une autre vraie façon de voir la chose. Un peu comme la séparation et l’indépendance.

Il y a cinq ans déjà que la Loi sur la laïcité de l’État québécois a été adoptée. Notez que le système juridique canadien n’a même pas été capable, pendant cet assez long délai, de donner son dernier mot sur la constitutionnalité de ce texte législatif. On a eu un jugement de la Cour supérieure en avril 2021. Prenant son temps, la Cour d’appel a entendu les parties en novembre 2022. Prenant encore plus son temps, elle n’a pas donné signe de vie depuis. Et quoi que disent ces augustes juges, on ira ensuite en Cour suprême, chez des gens qui ne sont pas non plus connus pour leur célérité.

Cette révision à pas de tortue donne raison aux parlementaires qui ont voté pour la loi et pour sa clause de souveraineté parlementaire, et donc son application immédiate dans le réel, soit ceux de la Coalition avenir Québec et du Parti québécois (PQ). Sinon, on n’aurait vraisemblablement jamais pu appliquer les aspects de la loi qui interdisent le port de signes religieux chez les policiers, les gardiens des prisons provinciales et les enseignants du primaire et du secondaire. (La loi prévoyait de l’interdire aux juges québécois, mais ces derniers ont usé d’entourloupes pour s’en exempter.)

Le ministre de la Langue française, Jean-François Roberge, a déposé un projet de loi qui ne contient qu’une clause : celle qui renouvelle la disposition de dérogation/souveraineté parlementaire pour cinq ans. Ne faudrait-il pas, au contraire, refaire le point et franchir des pas de plus  ? C’est en effet graduellement, une ou deux fois par décennie, qu’on a fait avancer ce principe clé depuis 1960. 

D’abord, on a constaté l’an dernier qu’il manquait une disposition à la loi lorsqu’un mouvement pas tout à fait spontané de prières à l’école a poussé le gouvernement à décréter qu’il y avait des temples pour cette activité et que les écoles n’en étaient pas. Même la députée Marwah Rizqy et tout le Parti libéral du Québec ont exprimé leur accord avec cette interdiction. Le Conseil national des musulmans canadiens poursuit l’État québécois à ce sujet et pourrait convaincre le premier juge trudeauiste venu de la qualité de ses arguments. D’où l’intérêt de colmater la brèche, sous le parapluie de disposition de dérogation/souveraineté parlementaire, dans une modification à la loi qu’on pourrait baptiser du nom de Rizqy.

On entend aussi le péquiste Pascal Bérubé et la solidaire Ruba Ghazal pester contre les subventions accordées à des écoles qui imposent à leurs élèves un enseignement religieux. La journaliste radio-canadienne Laurence Niosi a fait le compte l’an dernier : c’est à hauteur de 60 % que sont financées 27 écoles catholiques, 14 juives, 4 musulmanes, 2 protestantes évangéliques, 2 arméniennes et 1 grecque orthodoxe, au coût de 161 millions de dollars. Je verrais d’un bon oeil une modification Bérubé-Ghazal ordonnant une élimination graduelle de ces subventions.

Puis il y a la question des exemptions fiscales accordées aux immeubles religieux. Les fouineuses Sylvie Fournier et Jo-Ann Demers, de l’émission Enquête, ont révélé que l’Église catholique, qui plaide l’indigence en cour pour éviter de dédommager ses nombreuses victimes d’agressions sexuelles, a au moins 1,8 milliard de dollars dans ses coffres. Ces bidous ne sont pas apparus par l’effet de la bonté divine. Pendant des générations, nos aînés versaient régulièrement à l’Église catholique la dîme, une fraction de leurs revenus, en plus de la quête remise chaque dimanche. Ce n’était pas obligatoire, mais Dieu avait bien prévenu que, pour un chrétien, ne pas la payer équivalait à le voler personnellement. 

L’existence de ce pactole rend parfaitement faisable l’abolition des exemptions fiscales pour les biens religieux, qui privaient en 2019  les villes et le Trésor québécois de 180 millions de dollars par an, selon le calcul des collègues Stéphane Baillargeon et Magdaline Boutros. Les fruits de cette fiscalisation devraient être d’abord consacrés à la sauvegarde du patrimoine religieux et à la reconversion des églises, comme l’a récemment suggéré mon estimé collègue chroniqueur de La Presse Maxime Pedneaud-Jobin.

L’étape quinquennale de la Loi sur la laïcité de l’État devrait aussi être le moment d’adopter la proposition, faite il y a cinq ans par le PQ, d’étendre l’interdiction des signes religieux à tout le personnel des écoles, y compris celui du service de garde scolaire et de la direction. Puisque le droit acquis s’applique, cet élargissement tombe sous le sens, et il n’aurait pas d’effet notable sur la pénurie de main-d’oeuvre. La vraie étape à franchir à ce chapitre devrait être l’interdiction du port de signes religieux par les fonctionnaires en contact avec la clientèle, avec respect des droits acquis, bien sûr. Pour le reste, on verrait dans cinq ans.

La combinaison de ces avancées aurait un avantage majeur. Par la force des choses, l’ensemble des mesures toucherait bien davantage le catholicisme que les autres confessions. Cela ficherait un pieu dans l’objection centrale des critiques de la loi, qui évoquent avec effroi le spectre de la catho-laïcité. On en aurait fini avec cette calomnie, Dieu merci.

Source: Chronique | Laïcité, deuxième tour

Investigation: The antisemitism that Oct. 7 unleashed in Canada

Good and alarming compendium of antisemitic speech and actions:

….In intelligence briefs released under the Access to Information Act, the Canadian government’s Integrated Terrorism Assessment Centre said violent extremists were spreading antisemitic rhetoric.

Using social media as their “main pathway,” extremist influencers have praised Hamas and disseminated antisemitic content and conspiracy theories that incite violence, according to an Oct. 12, 2023 report.

“The narratives encourage hate crimes, violence and terrorism,” said the report, titled Canada: Trends Influencing Antisemitic Violent Extremism.

A report issued two weeks later predicted the Israel-Hamas conflict would “exacerbate the current steady increase in hate crimes targeting the Jewish community in Canada.”

“Violent rhetoric celebrating the Oct. 7 attack and encouraging like-minded individuals to conduct lone actor attacks could inspire individuals to conduct attacks targeting Israeli interests or the Jewish community,” it said.

The grandson of Holocaust survivors, Karmel said he was glad his grandparents were not around to witness the turn of events in Canada.

“To see this happening again, it’s terrifying,” he said. “It’s hatred.”

…

Kathrada became leader of the Dar al-Ihsan Islamic Centre, run by Muslim Youth of Victoria, in 2018. His weekly videos soon attracted attention.

The Middle East Media Reserarch Institue (MEMRI), a U.S. group that monitors online extremism, began issuing reports on Kathrada that same year.

Since then, MEMRI has issued 60 reports on him, including one that quotes him preaching that non-Muslims are “enemies,” and not to associate with them.

“I want our children to understand this well: the non-Muslims are the enemies of Allah, therefore they are your enemies,” he said in one of the videos.

In another video, he said that “people of faith hate the Yahud because of their disbelief in Allah.” He defined Yahud as “Zionists, Zionist Jews, whatever you like.” Yahud is the Arabic term for Jews.

“If you do not hate the opponents of Allah you have no faith,” he continued. “Having said that, once again, we have not ever called toward violence toward others.”

The government’s Integrated Terrorism Assessment Centre took note of Kathrada in a 2020 report obtained by Global News.

Under the heading “Online proliferation of incitement,” it cited his sermon about the beheading by French extremists of school teacher Samuel Paty, whom he called a “filthy excuse for a human being.”

Slobinsky said religious leaders had an obligation to unite people, rather than to sow division, and that words have consequences.

“Words carry meaning and words can scare people, can affect their sense of safety, their sense of belonging and the sense of mental well-being,” he said.

“The speech that Younus Kathrada uses is highly inflammatory and derogatory towards Jews. Nobody should be, listening to what he says.”

Sent a series of questions, Kathrada did not respond directly, but later wrote on Facebook that he was being harassed by “lazy misfits” who “twist people’s words.”…

Source: Investigation: The antisemitism that Oct. 7 unleashed in Canada

Horn: The Return of the Big Lie: Antisemitism is winning

Long read with concluding thoughts applicable to all groups on what universities and other institutions need to do:

It is fairly obvious what Harvard and other universities would need to do to turn this tide. None of it involves banning slogans or curtailing free speech. Instead it involves things like enforcing existing codes of conduct regarding harassment; protecting classroom buildings, libraries, and dining halls as zones free from advocacy campaigns (similar to rules for polling places); tracking and rejecting funding from entities supporting federally designated terror groups (a topic raised in recent congressional testimony regarding numerous American universities); gut-renovating diversity bureaucracies to address their obvious failure to tackle anti-Semitism; investigating and exposing the academic limitations of courses and programs premised on anti-Semitic lies; and expanding opportunities for students to understand Israeli and Jewish history and to engage with ideas and with one another. There are many ways to advocate for Israeli and Palestinian coexistence that honor the dignity and legitimacy of both indigenous groups and the need to build a shared future. The restoration of such a model of civil discourse, which has been decimated by heckling and harassment, would be a boon to all of higher education.

Harvard has already begun signaling change in this direction: The university recently reiterated and clarified rules regarding the time, place, and manner of student protests. For Harvard to take more of these steps would be huge, but I have struggled to understand why all of them still feel so small. Perhaps it’s because the problem is a multi-thousand-year fatal flaw in the ways our societies conceive of good and evil—and also because somewhere deep within me, I know what has been lost. There was a time, not so very long ago, when we didn’t have to prove our right to exist.

Among the mountains of evidence that Jewish students sent me, one image has stayed in my mind. There are videos of crowds chanting “Long live the intifada!” inside Harvard’s Science Center, and “There is only one solution: intifada revolution!” in Harvard Yard, along with other places equally familiar from my student days. But I keep coming back to the crowds marching and screaming in front of Harvard Law School’s Langdell library, because Langdell is a sacred place for me. On my 22nd birthday, in 1999, when I was a senior at Harvard, a law student I’d met at Hillel took me up through Langdell’s maintenance passageways to the library’s rooftop, where he asked me to marry him. I said yes.

I watched the video of the students marching and screaming in front of Langdell, and in an instant I remembered everything: studying in campus libraries for my Hebrew- and Yiddish-literature courses, talking for hours with Muslim and Christian and progressive and conservative classmates, inviting friends of all backgrounds to join me at Hillel, scrupulously following the Jewish tradition of “argument for the sake of heaven” in even the most heated debates, gathering for Shabbat dinners crowded with hundreds of students—and over those long and beautiful dinners, falling in love. My classmates and I often disagreed about the most important things. But no one screamed in our faces when we wore Hebrew T-shirts on campus. No one shunned us when we talked about our friends and family in Israel, or spat on us on our way to class. No crowds gathered to chant for our deaths. No one told us that there should be no more Jews. That night, my future husband and I worried only about getting in trouble for sneaking up to the library roof.

Source: THE RETURN OF THE BIG LIE: ANTI-SEMITISM IS WINNING