Chris Selley: Imagine the chaos if Israeli soccer comes to Canada

Not an appealing thought experiment:

…It was a terribly grim landmark day for European Jews, and indeed for Europe in general. The World Jewish Congress estimates there are only about 30,000 Jews in the Netherlands: roughly one-eighth as many as in 1939, on the eve of the Holocaust. There might be even fewer than that in very short order, if Thursday’s madness becomes routine. Canadians, Jews especially, are right to wonder whether it could happen here.

The answer is, basically, sure it could. But it could also be prevented. And this should have been. It looks like a colossal failure of policing. It’s easy to say from a desk on the other side of the Atlantic, but this was entirely predictable.

Reports out of Amsterdam Wednesday night were alarmingly and obviously portentous of what occurred the next day. Some purported Maccabi-supporting hooligans had assaulted a taxi driver and ripped down Palestinian flags, while chanting anti-Palestinian slogans.

Even if it weren’t true, the fact those stories were out there in the wild should have been reason enough to expect retaliation — and then some.

Clearly what happened Thursday night isn’t primarily about soccer. It’s about primordial hatred. But alas, soccer incubates primordial hatred. That’s true within the Netherlands: Ajax supporters, few of whom are Jewish, have traditionally embraced the team’s Jewish roots (they often refer to themselves as “the Jews”) and their rivals — especially supporters of Rotterdam club Feyenoord — have often taunted Ajax with antisemitic chants like “Hamas, Hamas, Jews to the gas, followed by a hissing noise. From a North American perspective, it’s almost beyond belief.

…It’s not inconceivable that Israel might qualify for the 2026 World Cup, and that it might play one or more games in Toronto or Vancouver. I shudder to imagine what that would look like. Police don’t just need to be prepared for serious Amsterdam-style violence; they, and their political overseers, need somehow to convince Canadian Jews and their friends that they’re actually safe. It’s a tough job, nowadays.

Source: Chris Selley: Imagine the chaos if Israeli soccer comes to Canada

Canadian Handbook on the IHRA Working Definition of Antisemitism: Comment

This is a useful initiative, both as an explainer as well as providing examples of antisemitic behaviour, one that can be used by a variety of organizations and institutions. The illustrative examples (section 3) are particularly strong.

That being said, some weaknesses IMO:

The paragraph “Misconception #4” overly simplifies the history of the definition, and avoids mentioning the concerns of the lead drafter, Kenneth Stern, that it could be used to curb free speech.

The handbook is silent on the other main definition, The Nexus Document, which  “examines the issues at the nexus of antisemitism and Israel in American politics” but has broader implications and provides greater clarity on when criticism of Israel and Israeli policies and actions cross over to antisemitism.

The Canadian handbook could have benefited from more extensive examples of legitimate non-antisemitic critiques of Israel and its government (e.g., settler violence, restrictions on movement, military strategies, limiting humanitarian aid etc), keeping in mind that singling out Israel from other abusers can cross the line.

Lastly, the handbook reflects the wisdom of having a public servant as the special envoy, who knows how to “work the system” to obtain practical results, something much harder for former activists. That being said, there is a need for a similar practical handbook for anti-Muslim bias and hate, although the absence of a widely agreed definition makes it more complicated. The UN’s background paper, A Working Definition of Islamophobia, among others, could provide the basis for the development of a more formal definition along with IHRA and Nexus but from the perspective of anti-Muslim bias and hate.

For illustrative purposes, I selected these examples from the Handbook which, with suggested rewording, also could be applied to anti-Muslim hate:

Example 1: Calling for, aiding, or justifying the killing or harming of Jews in the name of a radical ideology or an extremist view of religion.

Calling for, aiding, or justifying the killing or harming of Muslims in the name of a radical ideology or an extremist view of religion.

Example 2: Making mendacious, dehumanizing, demonizing, or stereotypical allegations about Jews as such or the power of Jews as collective — such as, especially but not exclusively, the myth about a world Jewish conspiracy or of Jews controlling the media, economy, government or other societal institutions.

Making mendacious, dehumanizing, demonizing, or stereotypical allegations about Muslims as such or the power of Muslims as collective — such as, especially but not exclusively, the myth about a world Muslim conspiracy (great replacement theory).

Example 3: Accusing Jews as a people of being responsible for real or imagined wrongdoing committed by a single Jewish person or group or even for acts committed by non-Jews.

Accusing Muslims as a people of being responsible for real or imagined wrongdoing committed by a single Muslim person or group or even for acts committed by non-Muslims.

Example 6: Accusing Jewish citizens of being more loyal to Israel, or to the alleged priorities of Jews worldwide, than to the interests of their own nations.

Accusing Muslim citizens of being more loyal to the Ummah, or to the alleged priorities of Muslims worldwide, than to the interests of their own nations.

Note: I would argue that participating in the Israeli defence forces or in the armed forces of Islamic countries, or organizations like Hamas, Hisbollah and ISIS make dual loyalty charges legitimate.

Example 9: Using the symbols and images associated with classic antisemitism (e.g., claims of Jews killing Jesus or blood libel) to characterize Israel or Israelis.

Using the symbols and images associated with classic Islamophobia/anti-Muslim hate (e.g., Objectifying and generalising Muslims as different, exotic, or underdeveloped, or implying that they are outside of, distinct from, or incompatible with Canadian society and identity) to characterize citizens of Muslim countries.

Source: Canadian Handbook on the IHRA Working Definition of Antisemitism

Medical journal ‘equity’ audit ignores Jewish doctors, medical professionals

Of note. While historically somewhat understandable, tone deaf in the current context:

Glaring omissions in an equity audit from Canada’s leading peer-reviewed medical journal are causing concern amongst Jewish medical professionals. 

Published in June by the Canadian Medical Association Journal (CMAJ,) the external audit was meant to improve the publication’s diversity efforts, but instead the authors chose to focus almost exclusively on Black, Muslim and Indigenous issues — without once mentioning the explosion of antisemitism impacting Jewish physicians and medical students.

“In 2022 the CMAJ editor-in-chief commissioned an independent audit of CMAJ’s culture and processes in support of developing a strategy to address issues related to antiracism, equity, diversity and inclusion (AEDI,)” read an excerpt from the report’s webpage. 

Among the report’s recommendations are developing a “learning framework around historical systemic oppression and racism in the health sector with a focus on anti-Black racism, anti-Indigenous Racism and Islamophobia for CMAJ staff and editorial teams.”

But completely absent from the report was any mention of struggles faced by Jewish medical professionals, who — especially after last year’s Oct. 7 Hamas terror attacks — face daily discrimination and harassment, particularly those in medical school….

Source: Medical journal ‘equity’ audit ignores Jewish doctors, medical professionals

Globe editorial: There is no Charter right to intimidation

Indeed:

…Bubble zones would protect everyone’s right to be free of harassment as they go into community spaces. The right to demonstrate cannot become a licence to intimidate.

Source: There is no Charter right to intimidation

In Sweden, the far right is waging open war on the Swedish Committee for Combating Antisemitism

Of note:

The strategy is now well-honed. Whenever the Sweden Democrats (SD) – a far-right party and ally of the governmental right – are criticized for their ideology, hateful comments made by their elected representatives and members, or their anonymous social media accounts, they claim to be the victim of a conspiracy hatched by the left. Since October 16, the Swedish Committee for Combating Antisemitism has been in its sights.

Founded in 1983, this independent, recognized body has long annoyed the Sweden Democrats. By systematically recalling the party’s history, which stems from the neo-Nazi movement, as well as the regular abuses of its leaders, the committee contradicts the official discourse of the SDs, a party that believes it should be cleared of any suspicion of anti-Semitism owing to its unwavering support for Israel.

‘Clear zero tolerance against racism’

Visibly annoyed that the committee’s criticisms were raised again in a televised debate on October 13, party leader Jimmie Åkesson and four of his lieutenants signed an op-ed three days later in the tabloid Aftonbladet. In it, they denounced “serious, ill-supported accusations which appear to be based on misinterpretations and pure inaccuracies.”

Admitting the problematic history of their party – “there have been individuals with dubious opinions and links to extremist organizations” – they assured that they have been carrying out “systematic and targeted work to get rid of this type of problem for at least 20 years” with “a clear zero tolerance against racism and extremism.”

The next day, the committee’s president, Ulrika Knutson, responded in the pages of Aftonbladet. According to Knutson, the party’s attempts to present itself as “a model in the fight against Jew hatred lack credibility.” She accused the SDs of instrumentalizing anti-Semitism: They “strongly oppose it when the issue can be used to attack political opponents and minorities,” but are “much more lenient when it comes to statements within their own ranks,” she said.

Methodically, Knutson proved her point, going back over the statements made by four of the five signatories to the op-ed. Richard Jomshof, president of Parliament’s Legal Affairs Committee, said in 2015 that Swedish Jews were not a problem “because the Jewish group is so small.” Björn Söder, former vice president of Parliament, doubted in 2014 that Jews could become Swedes and in 2019 took up a conspiracy theory claiming that Hungarian-born American billionaire George Soros was “the one pulling [the] strings” of the European Union…

Source: In Sweden, the far right is waging open war on the Swedish Committee for Combating Antisemitism

Christopher Dummitt: Serious questions for Canadians who still support Samidoun and Hamas

Valid questions. See the article for the complete list:

…There’s no indication that the professors or students at my universities or others want some advice. But if they had asked for direction, here are a series of questions I would want them to consider:

The first is a simple one: why does this conflict motivate you so much? Tens of thousands of people are being killed in Sudan in a longstanding civil war yet, as far as I can tell, this isn’t drawing your sympathy or anger. Why is it that the only Jewish state in the world is the one that attracts your ire, while other oppressive regimes escape sanction?

On Gaza itself, there is an even more basic conundrum: why are there no bomb shelters in Gaza? How is it that those who planned the raid on Israel, who knew that their attack would almost certainly elicit devastating retaliation, didn’t plan on ways to protect their own citizens?

It’s not for lack of resources. There are miles and miles of bomb proof tunnels all throughout Gaza. Why are these protective bunkers used to hide militants and not protect civilians? In London during the Blitz, Britain did all it could to protect its people. The same goes for Ukrainians today. Why is Hamas failing at the most basic part of government?…

Source: Christopher Dummitt: Serious questions for Canadians who still support Samidoun and Hamas

In Memory: Yehuda Bauer (6 April 1926-18 October 2024) 

Impressive man and had the pleasure of having a number of conversations with him when I headed the Canadian delegation to the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance:

…Yehuda Bauer was born in Prague in 1926 and in 1939 immigrated with his parents to Palestine. In 1960, Bauer received a Doctor of Philosophy degree from the Hebrew University for his dissertation on the Haganah and the Palmach. He began his academic career a year later at the Institute of Contemporary Judaism at the Hebrew University. Between the years 1973-1975 and 1979-1977 he served as the head of the Institute for Contemporary Judaism and in the years. Bauer also founded and headed the Vidal Sasson International Center for the Study of Anti-Semitism at the Hebrew University. Between 1996-2000, Professor Bauer was the head of the International Institute for the Study of the Holocaust at Yad Vashem. He also served on the Yad Vashem Council and was an academic advisor to the International Task Force for Holocaust Education, Remembrance and Research (IHRA).

Source: In Memory: Yehuda Bauer (6 April 1926-18 October 2024) 

Geist: A new academic year requires a new approach to combatting antisemitism on campus

This one will be the hardest to implement I think. But needed:

…Third, universities must preserve their position as neutral forums for discussion, debate and learning. Often referred to as institutional neutrality, the principle dates back to the 1960s and a University of Chicago report that concluded, “There is no mechanism by which it [the university] can reach a collective position without inhibiting that full freedom of dissent on which it thrives.”

In other words, institutional neutrality ensures that faculty members and students are free to express their opinions, but the institution itself should refrain from wading into political matters. That principle was undermined by the University of Windsor’s recent agreement with campus protesters, which included commitments to university advocacy and restrictions on academic partnerships that could undermine academic freedoms.

The proliferation of campus antisemitism may have caught some universities off guard last year. But this year, there are no surprises. Universities must rise to the challenge by prioritizing a safe environment for all students and faculty – one that lives up to their ideals of inclusion and non-discrimination.

Michael Geist holds the Canada Research Chair in Internet and E-commerce Law at the University of Ottawa’s faculty of law.

Source: A new academic year requires a new approach to combatting antisemitism on campus

Brest and Levine: D.E.I. Is Not Working on College Campuses. We Need a New Approach.

Good thoughtful discussion:

With colleges and universities beginning a new academic year, we can expect more contentious debate over programs that promote diversity, equity and inclusion. Progressives are doubling down on programs that teach students that they are either oppressed peoples or oppressors, while red states are closing campus D.E.I. programs altogether.

For all of the complaints, some of these programs most likely serve the important goal of ensuring that all students are valued and engaged participants in their academic communities. But we fear that many other programs are too ideological, exacerbate the very problems they intend to solve and are incompatible with higher education’s longstanding mission of cultivating critical thinking. We propose an alternative: a pluralist-based approach to D.E.I. that would provide students with the self-confidence, mind-sets and skills to engage with challenging social and political issues.

Like many other universities, our university, Stanford, experienced a rise in antisemitic incidents after the Hamas attack on Israel on Oct. 7 and Israel’s response. We were appointed to the university’s Subcommittee on Antisemitism and Anti-Israeli Bias, which was charged with assessing the nature and scope of the problem and making recommendations. The upshot of hearing from over 300 people in 50 listening sessions is that many Jews and Israelis have experienced bias and feel insecure on our campus.

A parallel committee formed to address anti-Muslim, Arab and Palestinian bias reached similar conclusions for those groups.

These findings are discouraging, given that institutions of higher learning have spent several decades and vast sums of money establishing institutional infrastructures to promote diversity, equity and inclusion. Discouraging, but not surprising — because our inquiries revealed how exclusionary and counterproductive some of these programs can be.

Our committee was pressed by many of those we interviewed to recommend adding Jews and Israelis to the identities currently recognized by Stanford’s D.E.I. programs so their harms would be treated with the same concern as those of people of color and L.G.B.T.Q.+ people, who are regarded as historically oppressed. This move would be required of many California colleges and universities under a measure moving through the California Legislature. But subsuming new groups into the traditional D.E.I. regime would only reinforce a flawed system.

D.E.I. training originated in the corporate world of the 1960s and migrated to universities in subsequent decades, initially to rectify the underrepresentation of minority groups and then to mitigate the tensions associated with more diverse populations. In recent years, the goals of diversity and inclusion have become the bête noire of the political right, in part to avoid reckoning with our nation’s history of slavery and discrimination in ways that might cause, as some state laws have put it, “discomfort, guilt or anguish.” We do not share this view. We believe that fostering a sense of belonging among students of diverse backgrounds is a precondition for educational success. That said, many D.E.I. training programs actually subvert their institutions’ educational missions.

Here’s why. A major purpose of higher education is to teach students the skill of critical inquiry, which the philosopher and educator John Dewey described as “the active, persistent, and careful consideration of any belief or supposed form of knowledge in the light of the grounds that support it.” Conscientious faculty members teaching about race and gender require their students to critically consider differing views of the status and history of people of color, women and L.G.B.T.Q.+ people. Teaching critical thinking about any topic is challenging and humbling work.

While issues of diversity, equity and inclusion are sometimes addressed in rigorous classroom courses, university-based D.E.I. programs tend to come in two basic forms: online or off-the-shelf trainings that are more suitable for airline safety briefings than exploring the complexities of interracial relations, and ideological workshops that inculcate theories of social justice as if there were no plausible alternatives. The Intergroup Dialogue, developed at the University of Michigan and used on many campuses around the country, “assist[s] participants in exploring issues of power, privilege, conflict and oppression.” The program’s success is measured by students’ acknowledgment of pervasive discrimination and their attribution of inequalities to structural causes, such as deeply rooted government policies.

D.E.I. programs often assign participants to identity categories based on rigid distinctions. In a D.E.I. training program at Stanford a few years ago, Jewish staff members were assigned to a “whiteness accountability” group, and some later complained that they were shot down when they tried to raise concerns about antisemitism. The former D.E.I. director at a Bay Area community college described D.E.I. as based on the premises “that the world is divided into two groups of people: the oppressors and the oppressed.” She was also told by colleagues and campus leaders that “Jews are ‘white oppressors,’” and her task was to “decenter whiteness.”

Rather than correcting stereotypes, diversity training too often reinforces them and breeds resentment, impeding students’ social development. An excessive focus on identity can be just as harmfulas the pretense that identity doesn’t matter. Overall, these programs may undermine the very groups they seek to aid by instilling a victim mind-set and by pitting students against one another.

Research shows that all students feel excluded from academic communities at one point or another, no matter their backgrounds. The Stanford psychologists Geoffrey Cohen and Greg Walton have found that “belonging uncertainty”— the “state of mind in which one suffers from doubts about whether one is fully accepted in a particular environment or ever could be” — can afflict all of us. From our perspective, if one student is excluded, all students’ learning is diminished. Belonging is a foundation for the shared pursuit of knowledge and the preparation of students as citizens and leaders of a diverse society.

American campuses need an alternative to ideological D.E.I. programs. They need programs that foster a sense of belonging and engagement for students of diverse backgrounds, religious beliefs and political views without subverting their schools’ educational missions. Such programs should be based on a pluralistic vision of the university community combined with its commitments to academic freedom and critical inquiry.

An increasing number of educators are coming to this conclusion. Musa al-Gharbi, a sociologist at Stony Brook University, presents a holistic approach to diversity. Conflicting viewpoints must be “brought into conversation with one another in a constructive way — to form a picture that is more complete and reliable than we would have were we to look at only the dominant perspective or only at subaltern perspectives,” he has written. Danielle Allen, a professor of political philosophy, ethics, and public policy at Harvard, champions “confident pluralism,” in which we “honor our own values while making decisions together.” And the philosopher Susan Neiman invokes a tradition of universalism that allows for — indeed requires — empathy with others rather than a competition among sufferings. “If you don’t base solidarity on deep principles that you share, it’s not real solidarity,” she has said. The group Interfaith America, which promotes interfaith cooperation, has developed a comprehensive Bridging the Gap curriculum that offers a practical guide for discourse across differences.

At the core of pluralistic approaches are facilitated conversations among participants with diverse identities, religious beliefs and political ideologies, but without a predetermined list of favored identities or a preconceived framework of power, privilege and oppression. Students are taught the complementary skills of telling stories about their own identities, values and experiences and listening with curiosity and interest to the stories of others, acknowledging differences and looking for commonalities.

Success would be an academic community of equally respected learners who possess critical thinking skills and are actively engaged in navigating challenging questions throughout the curriculum — an approach that teaches students how to think rather than what to think.

Pluralism does not ignore identity or pervasive structural inequalities. Rather, it provides a framework in which identity is construed broadly and understood as a starting point for dialogue, rather than the basis for separation and fragmentation. It commits questions about the causes and persistence of inequalities to the classroom, where they can be examined through the critical, evidence-based methods at the root of a university education. Respecting the diverse perspectives of one’s fellows and adhering to norms such as active listening, humility and generosity enable classroom conversations about contentious social and political issues.

Nonprofit and religious leaders are translating these ideas into an emerging movement. A collaborative of philanthropic funders called New Pluralists is organizing and supporting groups that are putting pluralism into practice. Such efforts face headwinds both from conservatives who are suspicious of all efforts to foster inclusion and from groups that believe they benefit from the current system. And it will require heavy lifting by educators to work together with their students to create the preconditions for authentic critical engagement.

The current system is not good for Jews at Stanford and other universities. It’s not good for Muslims, either. And it’s certainly not good for society as a whole.

Paul Brest is former dean and professor emeritus at Stanford Law School. Emily J. Levine is associate professor of education and history at Stanford.

Source: D.E.I. Is Not Working on College Campuses. We Need a New Approach.

Ling: We’re terrible at talking about the Israel-Hamas conflict. I tried to figure out why. [the need for criteria]

Good on Ling for having these conversations.

The most recent example is that of Capital Pride provides an example of the kinds of questions that need to be raised. How should organizations like Capital Pride assess which issues to promote or protest? What should the criteria be? How should one distinguish between different atrocities and abuses? Why Israel/Hamas and not Chinese repression of Uighurs, killings in the Sudan civil war, Russian war crimes in Ukraine, Uganda’s anti-homosexuality act, etc?

So, to encourage some discussion, here are some initial suggestions of possible criteria:

  • Is the protest and actions primarily about LGBTQ rights?
  • If not, how does a country’s or organization’s human rights abuse compare to other human rights abuse?
  • How divisive will the issue/protest be among LGBTQ communities and more broadly?
  • How does the treatment of LGBTQ differ between parties to a conflict?

These have been written for the Israel/Hamas protests and thus reflect my preferences and biases. But the need for criteria, rather than event and particular group driven protests, would reduce the likelihood that some LGBTQ members and allies would feel excluded:

…At least Fogel was willing to be introspective. I suggested to him that Haaretz — the liberal Israeli paper, a fierce critic of Netanyahu, which has relentlessly covered allegations of Israeli war crimes  — could not publish in Canada without being deluged with complaints and criticism. “I don’t think you’re entirely wrong,” he says. “What passes for the norm in Israel is sometimes seen by the Jewish community here as crossing the line.”

How can we have a serious discourse with all these invisible lines? Fogel gave me a fatalistic answer: “I’m not sure you can.”

It’s a variation of an idea I heard from Toney, and Kaplan-Myrth, and a host of other people in recent months: we’re too far gone, too polarized, too emotional to be able to talk about this crisis. Many say they respect the positions of the other side, and are keen to figure out points of agreement, yet often caricature their ideological opposites as inflexible, radical, impossible to reason with.

Mediating this conflict through the body politic doesn’t necessarily mean striving for compromise or capitulation, and it doesn’t entail a return to an age of elite gatekeepers. But it has to mean engaging in discussion, debate and argument without immediately calling it all off. Enabling genuine discourse doesn’t fuel hate, and may act as a pressure release valve to actually prevent it. At the same time, we can’t accept hateful language, online or in the street, just because the author insists their side has a monopoly on morality and justice.

There’s nothing naive about this idea: It is literally the foundation of our society. It is deeply cynical to say that our ideological opposites must be silenced, boycotted, or shouted down because they are dangerous or immoral.

Polarization is not a thing that other people do to us. It is a thing we do to each other. In the same way, mediation is not something that will be done for us, but something we have to commit to and work on, every day, ourselves.

Source: We’re terrible at talking about the Israel-Hamas conflict. I tried to figure out why.