Chrystia Freeland’s housing plan ties immigration to supply, cuts development charges

Remarkable and somewhat comical, depressing and revealing, walking back from previous government positions where she was Deputy PM. I don’t disagree with the changed policy thrust, just wonder why it took so long….:

Liberal leadership candidate Chrystia Freeland’s plan to fix the housing shortage would tie the number of newcomers Canada admits to housing availability.

The former finance minister made the promise in a 10-point policy document her campaign issued Monday morning. Freeland said the move would slow down population growth until housing affordability stabilizes.

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre has been promising for some time now to tie immigration numbers to housing starts.

Under the federal government’s current immigration plan, the number of permanent residents being admitted is set to decline annually until it reaches 365,000 in 2027. The previous goal was to admit upwards of 500,000 permanent residents annually from 2024 to 2026.

The link between immigration and housing starts isn’t the only thing the Freeland and Poilievre plans have in common….

Source: Chrystia Freeland’s housing plan ties immigration to supply, cuts development charges

Todd: Should birthright citizenship, banned in most countries but not Canada, be a human right?

More on birth tourism, based on some of my analysis:

Birth tourism” is on the rise again in Canada.

In the past year, 5,219 babies were born in Canada to travelling foreign nationals.

In B.C., 102 non-resident births were at Richmond General Hospital; 99 were at Surrey Memorial; 97 were at Vancouver’s St. Paul’s Hospital; and another 85 were at Children’s Hospital, according to Andrew Griffith, a former senior director in Canada’s immigration department who is now an immigration analyst.

At the same time that Griffith was releasing data showing non-resident births are returning to 2019 levels in an article published in Policy Options last month, entrepreneurs in Richmond said there has been an uptick in inquiries from women in China and other parts of East Asia who want to have their babies in Canada now that President Donald Trump aims to end birthright citizenship in the U.S.

The ethical debate over birthright citizenship, also known as jus soli (right of the soil), is coming to a head as Democratic U.S. states challenge Trump’s initiative and non-resident births rise again in Canada with the easing of COVID-19 restrictions.

Data from the Canadian Institute for Health Information shows the percentage of non-resident births in Canada fell from 1.6 per cent of total births in 2019-20 to 0.7 per cent in 2020-22. It rebounded to 1.5 per cent in 2023-24.

A majority of countries forbid birthright citizenship, including virtually every country in Europe, Asia and Africa. It’s permitted in only about 33 nations.

Even though 160 years ago the U.S. enshrined the 14th Amendment to protect the constitutional rights of those born on its soil, particularly former slaves, Griffith said Canada’s laws on birthright citizenship could be more easily changed than in the U.S.

While most countries mandate that a child’s citizenship depends on the passport held by the parents, Canadian academics argue that birthright citizenship should be a “global human right.”

Today, one of the most common rebuttals to such a stand is that babies who receive citizenship only because they were born on Canadian territory are jumping the country’s immigration queue, which others must go through to qualify to become permanent residents and access universal education, health care and social services.

Two Canadian scholars who have obtained federal government grants to research birth tourism insist it must be protected in the name of “reproductive autonomy.” They say those who oppose it are “demonizing” and “criminalizing” non-resident pregnant people.

University of Carleton law professor Megan Gaucher believes critics of birthright citizenship are engaging in “settler-colonial” thinking that reflects “long-standing racist ideas.”

Ottawa’s Gaucher co-wrote an article on the subject with Lindsay Larios, an assistant professor of social work at the University of Manitoba who has obtained a federal grant to do collaborative research on birthright citizenship with B.C.’s Migrant Workers Centre.

Gaucher and Larios maintain attempts to portray birth tourists “as queue jumpers and citizenship fraudsters ignores the real-life obstacles they encounter within the health-care system and the Canadian immigration system.”

Larios argues that opponents who say offspring shouldn’t get citizenship because of their birth parent’s “precarious” immigration status are ignoring what she calls “reproductive justice.”

Opposition to the position set out by Gaucher and Larios has come from politicians, and medical and immigration professionals.

Rather than being disadvantaged, Griffith said, most women who engage in birth tourism come to North America with enough wealth to pay hundreds of thousands of dollars for travel, accommodation (including in so-called “birth hotels”), and hospital deliveries.

The Society of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists of Canada has said birth tourism needs further investigation. And Dr. Jon Barrett, head of obstetrics at McMaster University in Hamilton, has written that Canadian hospitals should have “absolutely zero tolerance” for it.

Doctors “should unite in a firm stand against birth tourism,” Barrett said, arguing it stresses Canada’s health-care system and puts pregnant foreign nationals at risk of being “fleeced by unethical individuals.”

An Angus Reid Institute poll found that in 2019, when Richmond Hospital was the epicentre of Canada’s birth tourism industry, that two-of-three Canadians believed “a child born to parents who are in this country on tourist visas should not be granted Canadian citizenship.”

Births to non-residents now make up 6.9 per cent of all deliveries at Richmond Hospital, which is down from 24 per cent before the pandemic. Despite this year’s jump in inquiries from people seeking to have babies in Canada because of Trump’s threat, Griffith believes the overall decline over the last few years at Richmond Hospital is owed largely to China restricting its citizens’ travel.

There is no data on whether international students in B.C. have given birth in hospitals here. International students in this province can join the Medical Services Plan by paying $75 a month. In Ontario, said Griffith, some non-resident mothers who have paid for hospital deliveries could be foreign students as that province doesn’t allow them to receive subsidized health care.

In light of a lack of government oversight of birth tourism, Griffith said there is need for more research, including like one study from Calgary. Four-of-five non-resident mothers who delivered babies in that city said their primary motivation was to give their newborn Canadian citizenship. The largest group, one-of-four, was from Nigeria.

Given the ethical issues at stake, Griffith suggests Canada, whose citizenship rules aren’t bound by a Constitution like in the U.S., take a responsible middle way in regard to birthright citizenship.

To reduce the chances of exploitation, he recommends Canada follow the lead of Australia, which allows a baby born on its soil to receive citizenship only if at least one of the child’s parents already has that status.

Source: Should birthright citizenship, banned in most countries but not Canada, be a human right?

Krishnan | DEI was always flawed. It’s being replaced with something much worse

Valid comment:

…Personally, I would welcome a true meritocracy. I was raised mostly on a single income by immigrant parents who grew up extremely poor in Fiji. I went to an unknown college in Vancouver, and still made it to New York, won an Emmy, and currently hold an “extraordinary ability” work visa. I did all of that without the connections and wealth of many others at the top of the dying media industry. 

With the pushback against DEI, however, we’re not getting a meritocracy though, despite the rhetoric insisting we are. Rather it’s an obnoxious and defiant return to the old world order — with the added feature of obscene wealth. Something tells me when the powerful white billionaires now controlling the world run things into the ground they won’t be looking inward. DEI will be long gone, but their failures will still be everyone else’s fault.

Source: Opinion | DEI was always flawed. It’s being replaced with something much worse

Kay: Explaining Canada’s Cult of ‘Decolonial Futurity’ to Americans

Does appear to be a waste of time compared to more practical training with respect to indigenous health and needs of Indigenous patients:

Last month, I received a tip from a nursing student at University of Alberta who’d been required to take a course called Indigenous Health in Canada. It’s a “worthwhile subject,” my correspondent (correctly) noted, “but it won’t surprise you to learn [that the course consists of] four months of self-flagellation led by a white woman. One of our assignments, worth 30 percent, is a land acknowledgement, and instructions include to ‘commit to concrete actions to disrupt settler colonialism’… This feels like a religious ritual to me.”

Canadian universities are now full of courses like this—which are supposed to teach students about Indigenous issues, but instead consist of little more than ideologically programmed call-and-response sessions. As I wrote on social media, this University of Alberta course offers a particularly appalling specimen of the genre, especially in regard to the instructor’s use of repetitive academic jargon, and the explicit blurring of boundaries between legitimate academic instruction and cultish struggle session.

Students are instructed, for instance, to “commit to concrete actions that disrupt the perpetuation of settler colonialism and articulate pathways that embrace decolonial futures,” and are asked to probe their consciences for actions that “perpetuate settler colonial futurity.” In the land-acknowledgement exercise, students pledge to engage in the act of “reclaiming history” through “nurturing…relationships within the living realities of Indigenous sovereignties.”

My source had no idea what any of this nonsense meant. It seems unlikely the professor knew either. And University of Alberta is not an outlier: For years now, whole legions of Canadian university students across the country have been required to robotically mumble similarly fatuous platitudes as a condition of graduation. It’s effectively become Canada’s national liturgy….

Source: Explaining Canada’s Cult of ‘Decolonial Futurity’ to Americans

Ottawa boosts immigration officers’ ability to cancel visitor visas, travel permits 

Of note and overdue:

Canadian immigration officers have been given broader powers to cancel travel permits and visitor visas under new rules designed to bolster border security and clamp down on fraud.

Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC) has issued “strengthened” regulations, including the ability to revoke visitor visas if their holders destroy their passports. Officers can also rescind authorization to travel to Canada if they believe a visitor may not leave the country.

Airlines have been informed of the new rules, which could also mean some people will not be allowed to board flights, according to a notification of the new regulations in the federal government’s Canada Gazette.

“A small portion of travellers may be turned back at the airport or at a port of entry in the case of their document being cancelled prior to their entry to Canada,” the notification says.

The changes “enhance the integrity of Canada’s temporary residence programs and are expected to strengthen security at the border and within Canada,” according to an online posting from IRCC.

The regulations expand current powers to cancel immigration documents – for example, if someone has concealed a criminal history – and aligns Canada with practices in the U.S., Britain, Australia and New Zealand….

Source: Ottawa boosts immigration officers’ ability to cancel visitor visas, travel permits

If we want to stem the tide of hate, we need robust definitions of Islamophobia and antisemitism

While definitions, preferably robust, are helpful, not sure the degree to which they “stem the tide of hate.” This definition, while generally helpful, sidesteps issues when religious or ethnic cultures conflict with what most would consider fundamental human rights:

…The criteria proposed by the Commission on British Muslims and Islamophobia(CBMI) provide a valuable framework for distinguishing between legitimate criticism of Islam and Islamophobic discourse. These criteria address key dimensions that help us assess the nature and intent behind the critique. These dimensions are organised into eight key areas:

  • Monolithic versus diverse: Legitimate criticism acknowledges the diversity of thought and practice within Islam, avoiding generalisations. Islamophobia, on the other hand, often portrays Islam as monolithic and static.
  • Other versus interdependent: Legitimate critique recognises that Islam is part of a complex, interconnected world; whereas Islamophobia often portrays Islam as separate, “other” and irreconcilable with Western societies.
  • Inferior versus different but equal: Legitimate criticism considers different cultures as equal and different. Islamophobia, on the other hand, positions Islam as inferior to other cultures and religions.
  • Aggressive enemy versus cooperative partner: Legitimate criticism acknowledges that some elements of some Islamic traditions may be problematic while still recognising that Muslims as a community are generally peaceful. Islamophobia paints Islam and Muslims as fundamentally aggressive and hostile.
  • Manipulative versus sincere: Legitimate criticism acknowledges that some people use any religious tradition for personal and political gains, but does not to assume that all adherents of those traditions are dishonest. Islamophobia assumes that all Muslims are manipulative or insincere in their beliefs and practices.
  • Rejection versus reciprocal exchange and critique: Legitimate criticism must be open to engaging with and debating Muslim criticisms of Western societies. Islamophobia often dismisses Muslim voices altogether.
  • Defending discrimination versus its opposition: Legitimate criticism would oppose all forms of discrimination — including those directed at Muslims. Islamophobia defends or ignores discriminatory behaviour against Muslims.
  • Rational criticism versus problematic anti-Muslim discourse: Legitimate criticism recognises that criticism of ideas is one thing, but anti-Muslim hate speech is a problem. Islamophobia, on the other hand, normalises and promotes anti-Muslim discourse.

These criteria are crucial in understanding what constitutes Islamophobia and what does not. For example, while criticising specific Islamic doctrines is valid, using such critiques to stereotype all Muslims as violent or fanatical crosses the line into Islamophobia. Similarly, while a discussion of the role of religion in politics is important, denying the basic human rights of Muslims is clearly Islamophobic.

The importance of clarity and cooperative action

The CBMI criteria offer an important framework that helps us differentiate between fair critique and prejudiced bigotry. Just as a clear definition of Islamophobia and criteria for legitimate criticism of Islam are crucial for combating prejudice against Muslims, a similar effort is required to establish a robust and well-understood definition of antisemitism — along with an understanding of what constitutes legitimate criticism of Judaism and of the State of Israel — in order to combat antisemitism effectively. I believe that the Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism(JDA) is one such definition.

Clear definitions of Islamophobia and antisemitism — along with adherence to the CBMI criteria and JDA guidelines — are not just an abstract academic concern but a practical necessity. Without such robust definitions, it is difficult to identify and counter Islamophobic and antisemitic acts and rhetoric. When Islamophobia is not recognised, its consequences can be dire, as is evidenced by the tragic events in Christchurch.

Source: If we want to stem the tide of hate, we need robust definitions of Islamophobia and antisemitism

May: Is the public service ready for a big Trump policy shift?

Well worth reading. The how is the hard part, given takes time and needs strong political support across two governments:

…Alex Benay supports the concept of Musk’s AI-first strategy but not the human costs of his tactics.  

“We should be striving for a zero-bureaucracy government in Canada by putting our national AI capabilities to the test in our public sectors first,” he said last week in a post he specified was a personal view, not an official position.  

Benay is a former CIO once dubbed Canada’s “disruptor-in-chief.”   

The government is quietly studying public-service productivity through a working group that will examine technology and AI. But that’s not enough, Lee argues.  

He thinks what’s needed is a “super-charged Glasco Commission” – the 1960s royal commission on government organization. A small, fast-moving blue-ribbon panel of public- and private-sector experts — including a disruptor — needs to draft a plan to overhaul the public service and be ready for the next government’s first mandate 

“People will be screaming bloody murder. But we’re in this crisis now, having to respond to Trump, the demands he’s making, as well as AI changing everything in government. Nothing can stop that train. They need money for border and defense spending, and there’s going to be a huge downsizing coming.” 

So far, none of the Liberal leadership contenders or Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre has talked about a strategic review or public-service reforms to ready the federal workforce for a new world order.   

Poilievre has said he will cut the public service by attrition – not replacing those who retire, leave or quit – and through the “powerful mathematics of attrition, we will reduce the morbidly obese back-office bureaucracy.” 

But that math doesn’t work, says Wernick. The savings are too small. Productivity takes a hit. And managers have no control over selecting talent or ensuring the right people are in the right jobs. 

“You cannot solve your fiscal problem by cutting the public service. The arithmetic doesn’t work. So, where the politicians are not being honest with people is: we need more revenue,” he says. 

Governments, however, want to move fast. Strategic reviews take time.

“If you want a serious overhaul or renovation, you need two years, two budgets, and a lot of help to figure out what the federal government should look like by the end of your first mandate in 2029.”  

Source: Is the public service ready for a big Trump policy shift?

SUN EDITORIAL: Hoist our flag? Only if you love Canada, Himmelfarb’s call to action

We did as it was and is a good non-partisan initiative. The Sun’s take on what it means to love Canada (agree with many of the points listed, without necessarily some of the jingoist and partisan language):

Joe Clark, Jean Chretien, Kim Campbell, Paul Martin and Stephen Harper issued a statement urging Canadians to show some love for our country on Flag Day.

It’s something we should all get behind.

Unless, of course, you’re one of those people who told us not to celebrate Canada Day in 2021 because this country should be ashamed of its “genocidal” past.

This country has a proud history of upholding democratic rights and freedoms. Have we got it wrong at times? Sure. The answer isn’t to wallow in grief, but to move on with determination to do better.

Don’t wave the flag if you persist in calling people “settlers” or “colonialists.” For centuries, immigrants have come to this country from around the world seeking refuge from oppression, poverty, discrimination and war. Once they’re Canadians, that’s all they are. Calling them settlers is insulting and divisive. We’re all Canadians. Full stop.

Don’t wave the flag if you demand this country change the names of our schools and institutions to erase the history of those who built this country. Ironically, those who mock President Donald Trump for changing the name of the Gulf of Mexico to the Gulf of America think it’s just fine to arbitrarily rename our public infrastructure. They have a sketchy knowledge of history and use a flawed process.

Don’t wave the flag if you have wrecked a statue. You cannot simultaneously destroy the leaders and educators who built this land and pretend you’re honouring it.

If you’ve been on the streets of our cities for the last 18 months waving a Palestinian flag in support of Hamas, don’t now wave the Canadian one. Hamas is a culture of hatred, antisemitism and bigotry. Those aren’t Canadian values.

And don’t wave the flag if you have referred to this country as a “post-national state with no core identity.” We’re looking at you, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. Over your nine years in office, you’ve turned this country into a place where those who wave the Canadian flag are arrested.

You may call it Turtle Island. We’ll call it Canada. It’s our home and native land. And, yes, we’re immensely proud to wave its flag.

Source: EDITORIAL: Hoist our flag? Only if you love Canada

On the left, Alex Himmelfarb, former Clerk, has a call for action:

This flag day is different. The threats of economic coercion from Trump and his gang of oligarchs are meant to intimidate and divide Canadians and subjugate Canada to the will of the US regime. Instead they have ignited a surge of patriotism rarely seen in Canada. 

Inevitably some voices argue for appeasement or at least negotiation but as Churchill once said, “You cannot reason with a tiger when your head is in its mouth.” And someone else once said, I’m not sure who, “an appeaser is simply trying to convince the crocodile to eat them last.” In any case most Canadians seem to understand that this is a time to stand up for Canada and fight for our sovereign right to shape our own destiny, to say no to bullying, to stare down the threats even as we understand the risks. To cite one more wise soul, Bob Marley, “We never know how strong we are until being strong is our only choice.”

We can also draw some lessons on how to build the Canada we want as we witness the unraveling of democracy in the US and the assault on democracies everywhere, indeed the assault on the idea of democracy. We can see the dangers of a plutocracy in which a few individuals and corporations accumulate so much wealth and power that they can shape and pollute public discourse, use public institutions for their own purposes, influence world affairs, including war, and accumulate yet more wealth and power. We can see how paralyzing it is when our tools for self-governing, taxes, regulations, the state itself are demeaned and undermined. We can see the dangers to civilization and the planet when private interests trump the need to preserve the commons. We can see the horrible human costs of using hate and division to advance a political agenda. We can see the importance of robust inclusive democracy and strong countervailing institutions – unions, civil society organizations, social movements, the courts, a free press – to keep government in check. We can see the importance of international cooperation for climate action, for human rights, for peace and security.

Equality, inclusion, sustainability, solidarity – that’s what’s needed not simply to defend democracy we but to build the democracy we need, in our politics, in our workplaces, in our everyday lives. This is a time for building public power, for collective enterprise, for revitalizing industrial policy, for developing new forms of public ownership, for environmental stewardship and resolute action on the climate crisis, for strengthening the care economy, for building the social, cultural and economic infrastructure for a more resilient Canada, for taking the lead in a new internationalism. Over 65000 Canadians have so far signed the Canada pledge calling on our leaders – federal, provincial, indigenous, municipal – to work together to fight the threats and fight for the Canada we need.  Add your voice. Happy Canada Flag Day. 

Source: https://afhimelfarb.wordpress.com/2025/02/15/this-flag-day-is-different/

Harel, Weil et al: Le PL84 est en rupture avec l’interculturalisme 

Critique of the assimilationist aspects of Bill 84:

Le 30 janvier, le ministre de l’Immigration, Jean-François Roberge, a déposé le projet de loi 84 sur l’intégration nationale, qui propose de définir le modèle québécois d’intégration ainsi que les responsabilités de l’État, des Québécois et des personnes immigrantes pour assurer la vitalité du français et de la culture commune. Depuis, il ne cesse de soutenir publiquement que cette loi se situe dans le prolongement de l’interculturalisme, le modèle pluraliste de vivre-ensemble auquel le Québec adhère officieusement.Or, le projet de loi 84 est loin de s’inscrire dans cette continuité. Avec son approche aux accents assimilationnistes, il s’agit d’une nette rupture par rapport au modèle hérité de la Révolution tranquille. Affirmer les spécificités de l’approche québécoise est essentiel pour offrir une option de remplacement à la fois crédible et juste au multiculturalisme canadien. L’initiative caquiste ne va pas dans ce sens, à notre avis. Au contraire, le message envoyé aux personnes immigrantes nuira au projet d’une société d’accueil québécoise.

La trajectoire d’un modèle pluraliste

Sans jamais l’avoir explicitement inscrit dans une loi, le Québec s’est doté d’un modèle de vivre-ensemble fondé sur la recherche d’un équilibre entre l’ouverture au pluralisme ethnoculturel et la continuité d’un projet national et francophone. Cet objectif a été poursuivi par tous les gouvernements, quelle que soit leur couleur partisane, et a inspiré plusieurs lois et politiques.

En 1975, un gouvernement libéral fait adopter la Charte des droits et libertés de la personne qui reconnaît aux minorités le droit « de maintenir et de faire progresser leur propre vie culturelle avec les autres membres de leur groupe » ainsi que leur droit à l’égale dignité, en interdisant la discrimination à leur égard. Dès 1977, la Charte de la langue française, élaborée par un gouvernement péquiste, fait en sorte que les enfants de parents immigrants doivent désormais fréquenter l’école française, favorisant ainsi leur pleine participation à la société québécoise.

Un gouvernement péquiste dépose en 1978 la Politique québécoise du développement culturel, qui affirme le rôle central de la culture de tradition française tout en permettant aux diverses communautés de préserver leur culture et leurs valeurs. Rejetant à la fois l’assimilation et le repli identitaire, cette approche se renforce en 1981 avec le Plan d’action à l’intention des communautés culturelles, qui promeut les rapprochements entre la majorité et les minorités ainsi que la lutte contre la discrimination.

En 1991, un gouvernement libéral introduit la notion de « contrat moral » dans son Énoncé de politique en immigration et intégration. Dans un esprit de réciprocité, on demande aux nouveaux arrivants de respecter trois principes chers à la société d’accueil : le français comme langue commune, la démocratie et la participation, ainsi que le pluralisme et les relations intercommunautaires. Ces principes étaient au cœur de la recommandation du rapport de la commission Bouchard-Taylor voulant que l’État québécois adopte une politique ou une loi en matière d’interculturalisme.

Ces politiques reflètent une identité québécoise affranchie de son ancrage exclusivement canadien-français et marquent un tournant majeur dans notre histoire : le Québec francophone est appelé à se diversifier et à prendre en compte les différentes origines de sa population. Le cadre civique qu’elles ont défini guide encore aujourd’hui l’action gouvernementale en matière de vivre-ensemble.

Une rupture inquiétante

Plusieurs aspects du projet de loi 84 l’éloignent du modèle interculturel, équilibré et inclusif, au profit d’une logique aux tendances assimilationnistes. Il exige d’abord des personnes immigrantes qu’elles « adhèrent » à une culture commune, présentée comme « le creuset » d’une nation unie. Or, cette notion, associée au melting-pot américain, évoque l’effacement des différentes cultures et s’éloigne de la tradition pluraliste québécoise. De plus, le projet de loi ne dit rien sur les rapports entre la majorité francophone, la communauté anglophone et les Premières Nations, outre leur mention dans les considérants. Ce faisant, le projet de loi 84 s’écarte radicalement du pluralisme au cœur de l’interculturalisme.

Ensuite, le projet de loi 84 instaure une asymétrie dans les devoirs et les attentes envers l’État, les Québécois et les personnes immigrantes ; ces dernières étant soumises à des exigences nettement plus élevées. Elles doivent « participer à la vitalité de la culture québécoise en l’enrichissant », une obligation qui ne s’applique pas au reste de la population. Cette disparité fragilise le principe de réciprocité du modèle interculturel.

Finalement, le projet de loi 84 réduit l’intégration à l’acquisition du français et à l’adhésion à la culture commune, ignorant ses dimensions économiques et sociales. De plus, le document fait l’impasse sur la lutte contre le racisme et les discriminations, pourtant essentielle au respect du droit à l’égale dignité. L’épanouissement personnel et la participation à la société signifient aussi le plein accès aux emplois, aux services et au logement, quelles que soient son origine ou sa couleur de peau.

Révision majeure

Le projet de loi 84 rompt avec l’approche québécoise du vivre-ensemble de façon inacceptable. En souscrivant à une vision aux tendances assimilationnistes plutôt qu’en mettant en avant les dimensions civiques et plurielles de la culture commune, il risque davantage de repousser les minorités ethnoculturelles que de renforcer leur sentiment d’appartenance à la société québécoise. Le gouvernement doit donc revoir en profondeur le projet de loi 84 en adoptant une démarche fondée sur un esprit d’équilibre.

Une telle loi est trop importante pour ne refléter que la vision du gouvernement : incarner un large consensus est essentiel pour permettre à tous les Québécois, quelle que soit leur origine, de s’y reconnaître. En tant que société d’accueil ayant su conjuguer immigration et préservation de son identité nationale distincte, nous avons le devoir d’offrir mieux à celles et ceux qui choisissent de contribuer à notre développement collectif.

François Rocher, David Carpentier, Louise Harel et Kathleen Weil

Source: Le PL84 est en rupture avec l’interculturalisme

On January 30, the Minister of Immigration, Jean-François Roberge, tabled Bill 84 on National Integration, which proposes to define the Quebec model of integration as well as the responsibilities of the State, Quebecers and immigrants to ensure the vitality of French and common culture. Since then, he has continued to publicly maintain that this law is an extension of interculturalism, the pluralist model of living together to which Quebec unofficially adheres. However, Bill 84 is far from being part of this continuity. With its approach with assimilationist accents, it is a clear break with the model inherited from the Quiet Revolution. Affirming the specifics of the Quebec approach is essential to offer a replacement option that is both credible and fair to Canadian multiculturalism. The Caquist initiative does not go in this direction, in our opinion. On the contrary, the message sent to immigrants will harm the project of a Quebec host society.

The trajectory of a pluralist model

Without ever having explicitly inscribed it in a law, Quebec has adopted a model of living together based on the search for a balance between openness to ethnocultural pluralism and the continuity of a national and Francophone project. This goal has been pursued by all governments, regardless of their partisan color, and has inspired several laws and policies.

In 1975, a liberal government adopted the Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms, which recognized the right of minorities “to maintain and advance their own cultural life with the other members of their group” as well as their right to equal dignity, by prohibiting discrimination against them. As early as 1977, the Charter of the French Language, developed by a Péquist government, ensured that children of immigrant parents must now attend French school, thus promoting their full participation in Quebec society.

In 1978, a Péquiste government introduced the Quebec Cultural Development Policy, which affirms the central role of traditional French culture while allowing the various communities to preserve their culture and values. Rejecting both assimilation and identity retreat, this approach was strengthened in 1981 with the Action Plan for Cultural Communities, which promoted rapprochement between the majority and minorities and the fight against discrimination.

In 1991, a liberal government introduced the concept of “moral contract” in its Immigration and Integration Policy Statement. In a spirit of reciprocity, newcomers are asked to respect three principles dear to the host society: French as a common language, democracy and participation, as well as pluralism and intercommunity relations. These principles were at the heart of the recommendation of the Bouchard-Taylor Commission’s report that the Quebec State adopt a policy or law on interculturalism.

These policies reflect a Quebec identity freed from its exclusively Canadian-French anchorage and mark a major turning point in our history: Francophone Quebec is called upon to diversify and take into account the different origins of its population. The civic framework they have defined still guides government action today in terms of living together.

A worrying break

Several aspects of Bill 84 distance it from the intercultural, balanced and inclusive model, in favor of a logic with assimilationist tendencies. He first requires immigrants to “adhere” to a common culture, presented as “the crucible” of a united nation. However, this notion, associated with the American melting pot, evokes the erasure of different cultures and moves away from the Quebec pluralist tradition. In addition, the bill says nothing about the relationship between the Francophone majority, the English-speaking community and the First Nations, other than their mention in the recitals. In doing so, Bill 84 radically departs from pluralism at the heart of interculturalism.

Next, Bill 84 introduces an asymmetry in duties and expectations towards the State, Quebecers and immigrants; the latter being subject to much higher requirements. They must “participate in the vitality of Quebec culture by enriching it”, an obligation that does not apply to the rest of the population. This disparity weakens the principle of reciprocity of the intercultural model.

Finally, Bill 84 reduces integration to the acquisition of French and adherence to common culture, ignoring its economic and social dimensions. In addition, the document ignores the fight against racism and discrimination, which is essential for respecting the right to equal dignity. Personal development and participation in society also mean full access to jobs, services and housing, regardless of their origin or skin color.

Major revision

Bill 84 breaks with Quebec’s approach to living together in an unacceptable way. By subscribing to a vision with assimilationist tendencies rather than highlighting the civic and plural dimensions of the common culture, he risks pushing back ethnocultural minorities more than strengthening their sense of belonging to Quebec society. The government must therefore thoroughly review Bill 84 by adopting an approach based on a spirit of balance.

Such a law is too important to reflect only the government’s vision: embodying a broad consensus is essential to allow all Quebecers, regardless of their origin, to recognize themselves. As a host society that has been able to combine immigration and the preservation of its distinct national identity, we have a duty to offer better to those who choose to contribute to our collective development.

Mafalda en Absurdistan

Another example of incoherent positions:

…L’AGEM [l’Association générale des étudiantes et étudiants de Montmorency (AGEM)] adhère à la campagne BDS, un mouvement qui prône le boycottage, le désinvestissement et les sanctions envers l’État d’Israël comme moyens de pression pour le forcer à mettre fin à l’occupation des territoires palestiniens.

Qu’on soit pour ou contre cette campagne, ça se discute — et ce n’est pas l’objet de cette chronique. L’absurdité, dans cette histoire, c’est le refus de l’AGEM de financer un voyage d’élèves québécois aux Nations unies, sous prétexte que ce voyage contrevient à une campagne de boycottage visant l’État hébreu.

Comme on dit : c’est quoi, le rapport ?

Le rapport, tordu, c’est que le comité exécutif de l’AGEM « considère que le Conseil de sécurité est l’organe le plus puissant de l’ONU et que son inaction dans le génocide palestinien est condamnable », lit-on dans un courriel envoyé aux élèves, le 18 décembre.

Autrement dit, le comité exécutif de l’AGEM en veut à l’ONU, cette vile organisation qui supplie le monde d’en faire plus pour les Palestiniens, qui fournit de l’aide vitale aux Gazaouis par l’entremise de l’UNRWA et dont le secrétaire général, António Guterres, est persona non grata en Israël. Comprenne qui pourra….

Source: Mafalda en Absurdistan