Quebec: Les francophones discriminés [international students]

More commentary.

Checked Quebec numbers: CEGEP international student enrolment up more than 5 times (de 2 899 en 2009-2010 à 16 505 en 2019-2020) compared to university enrolment that only doubled during the same period (de 24 504 en 2009-2010 à 48 406 en 2019-2020). http://www.education.gouv.qc.ca/colleges/enseignants-et-personnel-de-college/references/enseignement-superieur/portrait-statistique-des-etudiants-internationaux-a-lenseignement-superieur/

But the relative shift from French to English CEGEPs is notable, irrespective of any discrimination issues:

Le Québec bataille pour sa place d’État francophone fier depuis des lustres au sein d’un Canada qui n’en a généralement que faire, soupirant d’ennui entre deux réformettes de façade. À divers niveaux, tous les gouvernements du Québec se sont préoccupés des combats à livrer pour résister aux assauts bien vigoureux de l’anglais, entre autres dans le champ de l’éducation. Le gouvernement de François Legaultveut d’ailleurs donner plus de mordant à la loi 101, car la fronde anglophone n’a jamais été aussi vive.

Pendant que sur le front politique le discours est à la défense du fait français, le terrain regorge d’incohérences qui ne commandent que de l’indignation. Comment en effet concilier ces deux données ? L’explosion spectaculaire du nombre d’étudiants internationaux dans les collèges du Québec — en hausse de 369 % en dix ans — a surtout profité aux établissements d’enseignement de langue anglaise. Mais en moins de deux ans, Immigration, Réfugiés et Citoyenneté Canada (IRCC) a refusé 35 642 candidats originaires des principaux pays francophones du Maghreb et de l’Afrique de l’Ouest qui voulaient venir étudier au Québec.

Une première analyse brute des données dévoilées la semaine dernière par la journaliste du DevoirSarah R. Champagne donne à penser que le « système », dans son gigantisme et son indolence bureaucratique, effectue de la discrimination à l’entrée. Ouvrir les vannes à des étudiants anglophones venus de l’Inde et les accueillir à pleines portes dans des établissements privés non subventionnés de Montréal ? Que oui ! Mais accepter des candidats inscrits à des études supérieures en provenance du Maghreb et de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, deux zones francophones ? Que nenni !

Les taux de refus pour ces deux bassins de locuteurs pourtant très francophones « frôlent les 100 % », dénoncent des avocats en immigration, qui ne s’expliquent pas le quasi-automatisme dans le rejet de candidatures pourtant bien défendues — dossier financier très solide, entre autres critères observés par les ministères de l’Immigration. Un nouveau système de tri automatique des candidatures en vigueur depuis 2018 serait-il en partie la cause de ces refus en bloc ? Personne ne peut le certifier, mais cela pourrait par exemple expliquer que, sur la base de revenus moyens par habitant très peu élevés dans certains pays d’Afrique, des dossiers de grande qualité présentés par des individus soient écartés avant même d’être analysés. Cette question mérite d’être creusée.

Plus on cherche à comprendre cette grande absurdité, plus on s’enfonce dans les contradictions. Celle-ci par exemple : un couple congolais au dossier financier plus que bien ficelé a reçu sa réponse de refus en l’espace d’une semaine en provenance des autorités canadiennes — déjà de quoi faire sourciller quand on sait que la question des délais interminables dans le traitement des dossiers d’immigration constitue le principal problème dénoncé par Québec. L’argument qu’on leur a donné ? L’agent d’immigration n’a pas été convaincu qu’ils quitteraient le Canada après leurs études. Quitteraient, oui. Pourtant, les politiques officielles et l’énergie déployée tant par le gouvernement du Québec que par celui du Canada vont dans le sens complètement contraire : celui de travailler au maintien des étudiants étrangers en sol québécois après la fin de leurs études. Que comprendre de ce cirque ?

Pour les mêmes pays d’origine, le Québec voit ses taux de refus plus élevés qu’ailleurs au Canada, ce qui s’expliquerait en partie par une méconnaissance des agents d’immigration du système collégial québécois, certains dossiers étant refusés sur la base d’une mauvaise liaison entre la demande d’étude et le cheminement scolaire du candidat. C’est à n’y rien comprendre : les cégeps existent depuis 1967 au Québec.

Le Québec, qui perd ici pied et contrôle sur une immigration potentielle de qualité en son propre sein, aurait raison de vociférer et de revendiquer la pleine maîtrise sur les flux d’entrée en ses frontières. Mais il devra aussi pratiquer un sérieux auto-examen. S’il n’a rien à voir avec le refus de candidatures francophones en provenance de pays du Maghreb et de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, c’est quand même dans sa propre cour que s’est jouée l’augmentation faramineuse d’étudiants étrangers anglophones — parfois même inscrits dans des cégeps francophones.

Dans une étude publiée par l’Institut de recherche en économie contemporaine, Éric N. Duhaime brosse un portrait statistique sans équivoque : alors que le recrutement d’étudiants étrangers au collégial s’était toujours historiquement tourné vers des bassins francophones, la tendance s’est inversée depuis 2017 environ. En 2019, « plus de la moitié des étudiants internationaux du réseau collégial provenaient de l’Inde (7687), dépassant les effectifs de la France (4072) ». Marché lucratif, détournement de mission pour le réseau de l’éducation et… impact significatif sur la langue d’usage dans les rues de Montréal, qu’on le veuille ou non.

Source: https://www.ledevoir.com/opinion/editoriaux/649134/etudiants-etrangers-les-francophones-discrimines?utm_source=infolettre-2021-11-23&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=infolettre-quotidienne

New Parliament has some fresh, diverse faces, but is it enough?

Some good commentary by Erin Tolley. Agree with her that it would be preferable for the Library of Parliament to collect and maintain this data, as they do for women, Indigenous and those born outside Canada:

The number of visible minority MPs and of other historically marginalized communities in Canada’s 44th Parliament, which resumes Monday, Nov. 22, has notably increased, but some analysts question the depth of the changes. 

The number of Indigenous MPs went from 10 in 2019 to 12. There will be a total of eight Black MPs, including the five incumbent from the 2019 Parliament and three new additions.

Based on the validated and judicial recount results posted on Elections Canada website, the Liberals have 160 seats (up by three from 2019), the Conservatives 119 (down two), the NDP 25 (up one), the Bloc Québécois an unchanged 32, and the Greens two.  

Despite seemingly little change on the surface, the election yielded a relatively high turnover — bringing a total of 52 new MPs from all parties who will take their seats in the House of Commons for the first time. 

Critical twists

In at least six ridings where visible minorities were either incumbents or contenders, there were critical twists and turnarounds. 

Liberal Parm Bians unseated the Conservative Kenny Chiu in the riding of Richmond East. Paul Chiang unseated the Conservative Bob Saroya in Markham-Unionville. George Chahal defeated Jagdeep Kaur Sahota in Calgary Skyview, thus swaying an important seat for Liberals in the province of Alberta. Conservative Nelly Shin lost to the NDP candidate in Port Moody-Coquitlam, and the Conservative Michelle Ferreri defeated Maryam Monsef in Peterborough. 

The sixth important riding where visible minorities lost out to a third candidate was Kitchener-Centre, where the dropping out of the race of Raj Saini led to an easier win for the Green party candidate Mike Morris.      

Election 44 reflected the greatest diverse pool of candidates in any election thus far, and as a result, the new Parliament will have greater representation for many historically neglected communities. 

The new Parliament will have 103 female MPs, three more than the previous one, and women MPs in total now make up 30.5 per cent of the House of Commons, a slight increase from 29 per cent. 

For comparison, in 2015, there were 88 women MPs. The Liberal Party has increased its number of female MPs since then from 52 to 57. The NDPs have gone from nine to 11. For the Conservatives, the number of women remained steady at 22, as did the number for the Bloc Québécois at 12 and for the Greens at one. The 44th Parliament likewise marks an increase in LGBTQ2S+ MPs, with eight openly LGBTQ2S+ MPs elected, double the number from 2019.  

In the runup to the September election, a team of Carleton University researchers led by Erin Tolley, Canada research chair in gender, race and inclusive politics, launched a project to track candidate’s diversity. 

The dataset collected includes information about their gender, race, Indigenous background, age, occupation, and prior electoral experience, as well as riding, party, and province. 

Slow and incremental

But while there is visibly increased diversity, Tolley says the progress has been slow and incremental.  

“The snap election and short campaign likely had some impact on who ran for office this time around,” she told New Canadian Media. 

“We know that it takes longer to find and convince women, racialized and Indigenous candidates to run, not because they don’t want to but because politics historically has been inhospitable to them.”

Without being proactive, she says, another election might come sooner than we think. 

“If parties are serious about diversifying politics, they should already be laying out the groundwork, identifying promising candidates, encouraging them to run, and giving them the support they need to do so,” she says. 

Tolley also points out that, based on the observation of successive election cycles, racialized and Indigenous candidates remain somewhat pigeon-holed in a select number of ridings, mostly those with large racialized or Indigenous populations. This, according to her, creates a ceiling in terms of how many can be elected to Parliament. 

“We know that racialized and Indigenous candidates can win in a number of ridings, regardless of the riding’s demographic composition. Parties should think more broadly about the contexts in which they recruit diverse candidates so as not to limit their opportunities,” Tolley suggests. 

Reflecting on the makeup of the new Parliament, Andrew Griffith, a media commentator, policy analyst and the fellow of the Canadian Global Affairs Institute, likewise sees it as a “slow and steady progress,” both in terms of the number of visible minority candidates and elected MPs.  

He also considers that growing diversity is reflected in the new Cabinet that was announced on Oct. 26, and expects this to extend into Parliamentary secretaries. 

Not enough data 

Of the 338 candidates during the election, Liberals had 147 women running for office, 25 Indigenous,18 Black and another 50 visible minority candidates and 17 who identify as LGBTQ2S+.  

The Conservatives, out of 338 candidates in total, had 114 female candidates, their largest number so far. Of those, eight were Indigenous and Metis candidates. The Conservatives also had four LGBTQ2S+ candidates in this election. 

There were also 14 Black and 60 visible minority candidates, bringing the total of the non-white candidates to 74. The NDP had 177 women, 29 of them Indigenous. It had 104 visible minority candidates and 69 LGBTQ2S+ candidates. The Bloc Québécois had a total of 78 candidates, including 37 women, and 13 visible minority candidates, which albeit small, in comparison to others, was the most in the Party’s history. 

Based on the final tally of the candidates, the Liberals once again have the highest number and percentage of MPs, with 43 elected to serve. The Conservatives have six visible minority MPs. The NDP has three. One visible minority MP, a former Liberal candidate, won as an independent. 

Such figures, however, are not readily available as neither the Parliamentary Library nor the political parties put them out. 

Tolley is especially critical of the lack of institutionalized collection of demographic data on candidates or the racial backgrounds of MPs.  

“The Library of Parliament does publish information on women and Indigenous MPs, but nothing related to race. This leaves journalists and researchers without reliable and systematic data on diversity in parliament. That makes it difficult to track progress or hold parties accountable”, she says. 

The first item of business when Parliament resumes will be the election of the Speaker.

Source: https://newcanadianmedia.ca/new-parliament-has-some-fresh-diverse-faces-but-is-it-enough/

The power of Indigenous diplomacy as a strategic asset for Australia | The Strategist

Of interest with some parallels and lessons for Canada:

International relations sometimes seems like a game that’s all about controlling and asserting simplistic national-power narratives without acknowledging the complexity of each nation’s stories.

But the key to effective public diplomacy is moving from monologue to dialogue, which means knowing when to speak and when to listen. In Australia, this begins with listening to, and reckoning with, the nation’s Indigenous history and projecting that into the international public sphere.

Indigenous diplomacy needs to be seen as an asset in Australia’s strategic toolkit.

‘International interest in Indigenous culture is very high and people see it as unique,’ says Australia’s first Indigenous ambassador, Damien Miller, in an interview with ASPI. ‘It’s a natural part of our soft power.’

Miller belongs to the Gangulu people, traditional custodians of land in Central Queensland’s Dawson and Callide valleys. His grandmother moved to Rockhampton after the 1987 Aboriginal Protection and Restriction of the Sale of Opium Act nullified the political and civil rights of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. In the 1960s his father moved to Brisbane, where Miller grew up.

This painful part of Australia’s history reverberates into the present. There are distinct challenges in reconciling these elements in the national story, and Australia has its detractors globally over its treatment of its Indigenous citizens.

Miller acknowledges, but also challenges, these views: ‘Some have very outdated views of our nation based on cherry-picking the most negative aspects of Australian history. But I would say that this bears no resemblance to the reality on the ground.’

It’s important to tell the whole complex and rich story of Australia—the parts where we succeed and the parts where we stumble, especially in relation to the Indigenous experience.

When we do this, says Miller, ‘Australia’s Indigenous diplomacy is a way of showing the world an open, mature country that can explore the light and the shade of our history.’

A world awash with disinformation has shown how important ideas are. Australia traditionally thinks of soft power as education, sport and culture. Those elements are important, but there’s a harder edge to appreciate.

In the context of the grey zone, where information warfare targeting the political culture and reputation of nations is a key tactic, having a strong narrative about national identity, values and history becomes ever more important.

In Miller’s view, having a compelling story to tell about Australia is a critical element of national power. In his work as minister-counselor for strategic communications at Australia’s Washington embassy, he talks about three distinct chapters of our national story.

The first is our unique Indigenous heritage. ‘I’m just so proud of our Indigenous culture—60,000 years of relationship and stewardship between culture and the environment—it’s an incredible story to tell the world.

‘The second chapter is our European heritage, which brought new ideas and values that eventually grew into a vibrant democratic political culture embracing the rule of law domestically and internationally.

‘The third thing I emphasise is our multiculturalism,’ says Miller. ‘Australia is one of the most successful and unified multicultural nations in history and it’s getting more so over time. It’s this story that makes us so competitive, for example, in attracting the best and brightest around the world to our skilled migration program.’

Key to this narrative is how Indigenous Australia is changing, he says. ‘I talk about Indigenous youth graduating from high school, increasing numbers going to university and forging professional paths, and those re-embracing traditional lifestyles, going into business, becoming strong members of civil society.’

This story of education and empowerment is reflected internationally, with transnational Indigenous civil-society networks on the front lines of global systemic crises from Covid-19 to climate change.

It’s important to note that indigenous peoples have ownership, use or management rightsover more than 25% of the world’s land surface and 37% of all remaining ‘natural’ lands. Australian Indigenous interests own or exercise a degree of legal control over close to 80% of the Northern Australian landmass, and considerable areas of sea country.

Indigenous expertise is crucial to building resilience to climate change and preserving the world’s remaining biodiversity. And the transnational, collaborative, non-state-bound nature of indigenous diplomatic networks demonstrates the type of diplomacy the global community will need to manage future crises more effectively.

Miller points to the Kimberley Land Council’s savannah-burning carbon projects, which embrace Indigenous grassfire techniques and have been trialled in Botswana. The program generates around $20 million worth of Australian carbon credit units annually.

Such Indigenous ecological approaches will only become more important. Degradation of indigenous land rights often goes with the catastrophic degradation of carbon sinks like the Amazon Basin. The survival of indigenous communities might be intimately linked to limiting the damage associated with worst-case climate scenarios.

Their ownership of a quarter of the world’s land means indigenous communities are crucial in more conventional geopolitical terms. They often stand at the nexus of resource exploitation, political conflict and economic competition.

On one level, indigenous peoples suffer from similar issues of dispossession, underdevelopment, unemployment, drug abuse, youth suicide and structural discrimination.

On another, international indigenous networks have grown institutionally sophisticated. They’re  embedded in multilateral politics and run media organisations, businesses and sovereign wealth funds with substantial capital and asset holdings. In the United Nations system, important forums for indigenous issues include the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. Indigenous groups were a big presence at the COP26 climate talks in Glasgow.

Indigenous geopolitics is also regionally significant. Of the 500 million indigenous people in 90 countries, 70% live in Asia.

The Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade’s Indigenous diplomacy agenda, launched in May 2021, is timely. It has four main pillars: shaping international norms and standards to benefit indigenous peoples, maximising opportunities for indigenous peoples in a globalised world, promoting sustainable development for all indigenous peoples, and deploying Indigenous Australian diplomats to advance Australia’s national interests.

The agenda came out of DFAT’s Indigenous peoples strategy 2015–2019, launched by departmental secretary Peter Varghese in 2015. DFAT has used elements of it for decades, says Miller, working through human rights forums in the UN, in DFAT’s human resources policies, and in its promotion of Indigenous voices overseas.

The agenda consolidates and elevates Indigenous diplomacy as a key element of our national diplomacy. Australia, says Miller, is a global leader in this area, along with Canada and New Zealand.

On various postings, Miller has spoken about Australia’s unique reconciliation movement, Indigenous policy and governance models. DFAT and the National Indigenous Australian Agency discuss Indigenous issues as part of their regular bilateral engagement with the US, Canadian and New Zealand governments. He says Australia would like to do more with the US indigenous community and scholars, particularly on economic governance.

Public health is key to supporting social and economic wellbeing, says Miller, noting that Australia has leading-edge Indigenous networks doing community health work that emphasises place-based solutions while building strong partnerships with governments, corporates and not-for-profits.

Australia’s Indigenous nations have their own traditions of relationship-building and diplomacy. Miller says northern Australian Indigenous peoples had historical relationships based on trade and culture with regional indigenous populations—for example, between Torres Strait Islanders and Papua New Guineans and between the people of Arnhem Land and Indonesia’s Macassans.

Miller says these traditions and cultural values have always informed his work as a diplomat. He uses the example of the Gangalu people, who are passionate about organising and promoting community welfare and partnering with others to find solutions.

‘The ancientness of the Indigenous story in Australia gives you a certain perspective: respect for elders, the importance of deep listening, respect for the heritage and stories of others, the importance of finding common ground, being deeply engaged in community life, giving back and showing generosity of spirit.’

Source: The power of Indigenous diplomacy as a strategic asset for Australia | The Strategist

Montreal: Les Autochtones et les minorités visibles surreprésentés

Of note (longstanding, as in other municipalities):

La proportion de citoyens issus de minorités visibles tués par des policiers du Grand Montréal est presque aussi élevée que celle des personnes blanches, alors qu’ils ne constituent que 14 % de la population, selon une analyse des dossiers du coroner de 2001 à 2021 effectuée par Le Devoir. Ils représentent 44 % des décès, contre 48 % pour les personnes blanches.

L’histoire de Jean René Junior Olivier n’est pas sans faire écho à d’autres décès qui ont eu lieu au cours des deux dernières décennies, impliquant des personnes issues des minorités visibles en situation de crise, connues pour des problèmes de santé mentale ou ayant exprimé des idées suicidaires.

Rien qu’au cours des sept dernières années sur le territoire du Grand Montréal, la moitié des hommes abattus par les policiers étaient noirs et déstabilisés. Alain Magloire, René Gallant, Pierre Coriolan, Nicholas Gibbs, Sheffield Matthews et plus récemment Jean René Junior Olivier, tous ont été tués lors d’une intervention policière.

« On revient toujours à la question : est-ce que la vie des Noirs compte ? Oui, Pierre Coriolan était en détresse. On était devant un homme en crise. Mais c’était aussi un homme noir », lance Nargess Mustapha, cofondatrice de Hoodstock, un organisme communautaire créé dans la foulée du décès de Freddy Villanueva, un jeune latino de 18 ans abattu par un policier à Montréal-Nord en 2008.

La mère de Jean René Junior Olivier, Marie-Mireille Bence, se demande si l’intervention auprès de son fils a été « teintée du racisme systémique, inconscient et institutionnalisé ». Elle envisage de déposer prochainement une plainte de racisme systémique auprès de la Commission des droits de la personne et une autre en déontologie policière contre les agents impliqués.

Un rapport produit cette année par des chercheurs du département de sociologie de l’UQAM et de l’École de criminologie de l’Université de Montréal révèle que les personnes noires sont près de trois fois plus susceptibles que les Blancs d’être interpellées par les policiers de Repentigny.

La cofondatrice de l’organisme Hoodstock estime que les améliorations apportées à la formation des policiers en matière d’interventions auprès de personnes en crise sont un pas dans la bonne direction, mais restent insuffisantes pour régler la situation. « Quand la direction policière n’aborde pas la question de profilage racial au sein même de leur institution, je ne sais pas trop comment ça va s’améliorer », déplore Nargess Mustapha.

Un accès inégal aux services ?

Le manque d’accessibilité aux services en santé mentale reste un enjeu de taille dans de nombreux quartiers périphériques de Montréal. À Montréal-Nord, Mme Mustapha observe le phénomène depuis plusieurs années et le considère comme faisant partie des inégalités systémiques auxquelles doit s’attaquer le gouvernement. Mais il ne doit en rien servir à justifier les cas de violence policière.

« Pour les communautés de Montréal-Nord, qui sont majoritairement afro-descendantes et racisées ou issues de l’immigration, c’est sûr que l’accès est beaucoup plus difficile. Oui, il y a des services spécialisés, mais il y a tout l’enjeu de la mobilité qui a aussi un impact. Des enjeux de précarité viennent s’ajouter à ça », souligne-t-elle.

Selon Fama Tounkara et Ernithe Edmond, les fondatrices du site My Mental Health Matters, les personnes issues de l’immigration et les minorités visibles ayant besoin de soutien en santé mentale auraient également moins tendance à aller chercher de l’aide. « Fama et moi avons grandi dans des contextes familiaux où c’était difficile de trouver de l’aide de nos parents pour consulter des professionnels de la santé mentale. C’était vraiment tabou. Dans la génération de nos parents ou celle juste avant, quand quelqu’un avait des troubles de santé mentale, on considérait ça comme une malédiction ou on pensait qu’il était possédé par des esprits », explique Ernithe Edmond, dont la plateforme sur les réseaux sociaux tente d’éduquer les jeunes et de les sensibiliser aux enjeux de santé mentale.

Situation critique au Nunavik

Comme les minorités visibles, les communautés autochtones sont surreprésentées dans la proportion des personnes tuées par la police.

Pour l’ensemble du Québec, les Autochtones (4,5 % de la population) représentent plus de 13,5 % des décès.

Le Devoir a dénombré 11 Autochtones parmi les personnes décédées sous les balles des policiers. C’est ainsi la communauté la plus touchée et surreprésentée.

Et le service de police du Nunavik se place en troisième position des corps policiers les plus meurtriers après la Sûreté du Québec et le Service de police de la Ville de Montréal avec sept civils tués, dont trois entre 2016 et 2018.

L’ex-directeur adjoint de la police de Longueuil Jean-Pierre Larose a accepté en février 2018 de devenir chef de la police du Nunavik pour changer la donne.

« C’est majeur comme défi », lance-t-il d’entrée de jeu au Devoir. « Je me suis attaqué aux décès lors d’interventions à mon arrivée et je suis fier de dire que depuis, il n’y en a pas eu ! » précise le chef Larose.

Ce dernier a mis à disposition de tous ses patrouilleurs des armes à impulsion électrique. Et d’ici le mois de décembre, ils seront tous dotés d’une caméra corporelle en tout temps. Une équipe mixte d’intervention mobile composée d’un policier et d’un intervenant social a aussi été implantée à Puvirnituq, un village nordique du Nunavik situé sur la côte est de la baie d’Hudson. « C’est un autre franc succès. On réduit la judiciarisation dans 80 % des cas. Ma volonté serait de l’implanter dans toutes les communautés. On a déjà ciblé un autre village », précise-t-il.

« Je pense que ce sont des outils qui ont contribué à diminuer l’emploi de la force, à diminuer les interventions policières qui causent des blessures ou la mort », ajoute le chef de la police du Nunavik, qui se dit tout de même inquiet du manque de 30 policiers permanents au sein de son équipe.

Source: Les Autochtones et les minorités visibles surreprésentés

The Great Gulf Citizenship Competition

Overview of some of the changes (significant but restrictive in scope):

For years, expats from around the world who flocked to the Gulf could only dream of Saudi or Emirati citizenship, although they made up as much as 33% of the population in Saudi Arabia and approximately 85% in the United Arab Emirates. Neither the construction workers from Egypt nor the maids from the Philippines, the engineers from Iraq nor doctors from India or the UK could get citizenship, even if they lived in the Gulf countries for decades and built their homes there.

Nowadays, when the global and local demand for talent is high, the Gulf petrostates are changing their attitudes and fiercely competing with each other.

This week, Saudi Arabia announced that it will grant citizenship to a group of “outstanding” expatriates including doctors, clerics and academics, becoming the second Gulf Arab state to introduce a formal naturalization program for foreigners with exceptional skills this year.

Back in January, the UAE decided to grant citizenship to “talented” foreign residents that will “add value to the country.”

Currently the opportunity is very limited. According to Saudi media, there is no open application process; citizenship may be awarded by the state to individuals who “meet the criteria.” In the UAE, professionals can only be nominated by Emirati royals or officials as well.

Experts say that for now only a few foreign professionals will be able to take advantage of the offer. However, it’s quite certain that the need for foreign talents will keep growing and the citizenship card will serve as an extraordinary perk for job seekers.

Both the UAE and the Saudi Arabia also encourage “emiratization” and “saudisation” of the labor market in their respective countries in order to combat unemployment and to develop home-grown talents.

“These Gulf states are aiming at the technologies of tomorrow. They worry about the US pullout from the region, about Iran’s attempts to spread its hegemony, and they know that they need the super advanced technological edge,” Prof. Uzi Rabi, the director of the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern Studies at Tel Aviv University, told The Media Line.

“The Emiratis were ahead so far, and now Saudi Arabia is stepping ahead as well. They are buying entire systems of knowledge along with the people who operate them, and there are many opportunities for the professionals in Jeddah, Riyadh and other places. Speedy technological development is highly prioritized by the leaders – MbZ  and MbS,” Rabi said, referring to, respectively, Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

The Saudis see the UAE success and aspire to develop a similar strategy that will also be compatible with the conservative character of the state. Its leadership understands that they will have to open up, but at the same time there is a fear of losing control.

In fact, Kuwait can be considered the pioneer that opened up to foreigners in the 70s and 80s, but during the last three decades it has undone much of its previous success in attracting talent from abroad. Currently, if a Kuwaiti woman is married to a foreigner, even their children are not entitled to Kuwaiti citizenship.

Notably, there is a clear aspect of competition in many areas between the two Gulf states – for tallest buildings, extravagant projects and talented individuals, for example. The UAE began offering citizenship to talented expats in January, and garnered a great deal of media attention, while Saudi Arabia only followed suit in November. Earlier this year Saudi Arabia told international companies to move their regional headquarters to Riyadh or lose out on government contracts. For now, 44 international companies have moved their offices – mostly from glamorous Dubai – and more companies are expected to join them soon.

Source: The Great Gulf Citizenship Competition

India’s surprise about-face on farming laws a ‘monumental moment’ for diaspora in Canada

Of note given the Indo-Canadian activism on the proposed farming laws:

A sudden announcement by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to withdraw the highly contentious farm laws in that country is being met with cautious optimism by many diaspora Indians in Canada. But some say they won’t feel relief until the laws are formally repealed.

The surprise move comes over a year after Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party government instituted the laws, first by ordinance and then passing them without consultation with either farmers’ unions or state governments.

The farm acts sparked a year of massive protests in India — at times deadly — during which tens of thousands of farmers took part in a movement to march to the capital.

Demonstrations were also held in Canada, including rallies in front of the Indian consulate in downtown Toronto, where hundreds turned out in solidarity with Indian farmers, who were in many cases their own family and friends.

Opponents of the laws said they meant an end to guaranteed pricing, forcing farmers to sell crops to corporations at cheaper prices and leave them with no right to take disputes with those corporations to court, with conflicts instead settled by bureaucrats.

Friday brought an about-face from Modi, who promised that the laws will be repealed beginning in December.

“I want to say with a sincere and pure heart that maybe something was lacking in our efforts that we could not explain the truth to some of our farmer brothers,” he said in a televised speech.

“Let’s us make a fresh start.”

‘A crack’ in the edifice

At the Shromani Sikh Sangat Temple in Toronto’s east end, Gurshan Singh, who comes from a farming family, was wary of the announcement.

“I don’t consider it done yet because the prime minister has announced that it will be repealed but the procedure still has to happen,” Singh said in Punjabi, speaking to CBC News through an interpreter.

Singh said his entire village went out to protest against the laws.

“People were martyred … people lost their children,” he said.  And while some 700 people are believed to have died in the process, he said he’s thankful his own family is safe.

“I’m happy,” he said. “But I’m still not sure.”

For Sanjay Ruparelia, a professor of politics and public administration at Toronto’s Ryerson University, the sudden news is part of a much larger story about the rise of autocracy in India over the last seven years.

“I think a lot of people are wanting to see whether this movement now has made a crack in that edifice,” he said.

But farmers have good reason to be skeptical after the lengths the government went to sideline protesters, going so far as to suggest they had been infiltrated by Sikh separatists, he said.

“There’s no truth to these claims. The government just wanted to delegitimize and undermine the protests, and that really inflamed the situation and sowed even greater distrust among the farmers’ unions,” said Ruparelia.

“They already felt that they weren’t consulted on these laws, they already felt that the laws would harm their interests and now they were being painted as terrorists and anti-national forces.”

In recent years, opposition parties have won victories in some state elections but have been unable to “really weaken the dominance of the party and particularly its Hindu nationalist program,” he said.

In that sense, he says, this victory could be a turning point, Ruparelia said.

‘You can’t subtract the politics out of it’

Between a perceived mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic, the controversial farming laws and civil society groups being maligned, trust in India’s federal government is fractured, Ruparelia said. And with elections coming up in two important states — Punjab and Uttar Pradesh — the government may well have feared it might lose its grip on power.

As for the impact in Canada, he says, the reaction here is sure to be divided.

“There are many, many citizens and residents of Canada who are part of the larger diaspora with very strong connections to the parts of the country, which have really led this movement,” he said.

Jaskaran Sandhu, director of administration with the World Sikh Organization, agrees.

“You can’t subtract the politics out of it,” said Sandhu. “At the end of the day it’s hard to trust Modi, it’s hard to trust someone who has been fighting you tooth and nail for a year … it’s hard to trust a government that refused to consult with you from the beginning.”

Over the past year or so, Sandhu says he’s watched the the protests through the eyes of his own friends and family on the ground, while focusing his own efforts in Canada on advocacy. One of his own initiatives, he says, was to co-found and launch the platform Baaz News, which made it a priority to shine a light on farmers’ stories.

Sandhu says he awoke to dozens of messages from family and friends sharing congratulations over the move on Friday morning.

“This is an underdog story. To see them victorious, it’s hard to put it into words,” he said. “I think it’s a monumental moment for the diaspora.”

But amid that sense of victory is also trepidation.

“No one’s getting up and leaving just yet.”

Source: India’s surprise about-face on farming laws a ‘monumental moment’ for diaspora in Canada

Chilean Election Unlikely to Halt New Barriers to Immigration

Of note, given the surge from Haiti and Venezuela:

Chile’s last presidential election in 2017 appeared to be an endorsement for more of the same with the Presidency alternating between former centre-left coalition leader, Michelle Bachelet, and right-wing incumbent Sebastian Piñera for the second time since 2006. But with only 46% of Chileans voting in the first round, there was a clear disinterest in the political process which has since transformed into discontent.

In October 2019 public anger reached its pinnacle when mass protests broke out in Santiago, sparked by increases to public transport costs, and spread countrywide in a challenge to Chile’s long-standing inequality. After 29 deaths and an estimated U$D 3.5 billion worth of damage to infrastructure, reforms were made, and a fresh focus was placed on replacing the 1980 constitution introduced under Pinochet’s military dictatorship.

Even against the backdrop of heightened anti-government protests and the Covid-19 pandemic, immigration has remained a key issue in the run up to the election.

Migration in Chile

Historically Chile’s migrant population has been more European and smaller than that of its South American neighbours. However, numbers of people entering Chile from elsewhere in Latin America have grown swiftly in the last decade, tripling in the last three years to 1.5 million, with arrivals stemming from humanitarian crises in Haiti (ca. 180,000) and Venezuela (ca 460,000).

Whilst under Bachelet (2014-2018), the now UN Human Rights Commissioner, immigration laws required no visa and only a formal employment contract to obtain temporary residency, under Piñera restrictions have tightened markedly.

In 2018 Piñera introduced the Humanitarian Returns policy whereby migrants could be returned free of charge to their country of origin on the proviso that they would not return for another nine years. 1,800 people were deported in 2020 with some deportation flights staged for media consumption.

New Law

A new Migration Law will also come into effect in mid-2022 requiring migrants to provide additional documentation to qualify for a one-year consular visa. These visas are often expensive, hard to acquire and in some cases expire after three months. They will also only be available to those who arrived in Chile before 18 March 2020, when the government closed the country’s land borders during the pandemic. The Law will make consular visas compulsory, prohibit adjustments from a tourist permit to temporary residence, and make it harder to move from temporary to permanent status once in the country. Furthermore, only those who have resided in Chile for at least 24 months will be able to receive state-funded social security.

Whilst limited, the government does have a programme that commits it to supporting work done by individual municipalities in the areas of migrant integration and intercultural exchange. At a national level, the Escuela Somos Todos, supports students into school regardless of their migration status. The Compromiso Migrante has also been created to incentivise private companies and unions to take a non-discriminatory and inclusive approach to hiring and management, by connecting awardees with support from agencies like the International Labour Office (ILO) and International Organisation for Migration (IOM). However, this initiative is somewhat undermined by employers needing to pay for employees and family members’ return travel once a contract has ended. This has resulted in migrants working informally, often on lower wages that undercut those of local people already struggling with the cost of living, stirring xenophobic sentiment in the process.

Polarising candidates

Jose Antonio Kast, a staunch defender of the Pinochet constitution, has capitalised on recent anti-migrant protests along Chile’s northern borders to become the presidential frontrunner. In the town of Iquique, thousands of locals gathered to protest against the presence of migrants after a year-old Venezuelan settler camp was cleared by police. Protests culminated with the burning of the settlers’ belongings on a bonfire. Kast has since proposed Chile’s withdrawal from the UN Human Rights Council, digging ditches at the borders with its northern neighbours and the creation of a body within the investigative police force to “actively seek out [and deport] illegal migrants”.

By contrast, his 35-year-old opponent, the left-wing Frente Amplio party leader, Gabriel Boric, who up until recently led the polls, had spoken of no expulsions, and access to visas and housing for migrants. However, following Kast’s rise he has rowed back on commitments to provide access to housing noting an over 500,000 shortfall in national housing provision, and has highlighted the need to work on a regional basis to establish a quota system to share the burden. Chile is the third biggest recipient of the over 5 million person exodus from Venezuela, after Colombia and Peru.

 So what next?

With the government having given the army a border enforcement role, in the short-term they have maintained that they will continue with “evictions of all public spaces” as well as “the expulsion plan” of undocumented migrants.

No matter who wins the election, the stringent provisions under the new Migration Law will likely contribute to an increase in the number of migrants living in irregular status.

Boric remains the favourite to win in the event of a second round of voting, but in the face of growing anti-migrant sentiment he appears to be ceding ground on his open border policy.

Even if he does maintain his commitment, the process of making Chile both ready and welcoming to immigrants (with an average of 200 arriving a day) will not be straightforward. The Piñera administration struggled to govern without a majority in both houses and the polarised nature of Chilean politics means that Boric would likely struggle to implement his liberal agenda without one.

In the last year there has been an 80% increase in Haitian migrants leaving the country, such has been the cold welcome many have received. Whilst an inclusive new constitution may be approved next year it will be the policies and investment that follow that determine whether Chile can make full use of the potential of immigrants and work with regional partners to reach a sustainable solution.

If Kast wins, in spite of the same governability challenges, it seems likely he would seek to build on the ew law–and in so doing–deprioritising regional collaboration, minimising integration support and introducing physical borders, forcing migrants into more difficult journeys in the process. Since January 2021, at least six immigrants have died after crossing the Andes and entering the Atacama Desert.

The new Migration Law requires the government to revise its national immigration policy at least every four years. This could lead to politically motivated changes creating instability for current and future immigrants, as well as for Chilean society as a whole.

Source: Chilean Election Unlikely to Halt New Barriers to Immigration

British nationality bill allows Home Office to remove citizenship without notice

No due process or notification:

Individuals could be stripped of their British citizenship without warning under a proposed rule change quietly added to the nationality and borders bill.

Clause 9 – “Notice of decision to deprive a person of citizenship” – of the bill, which was updated earlier this month, exempts the government from having to give notice if it is not “reasonably practicable” to do so, or in the interests of national security, diplomatic relations or otherwise in the public interest.

Critics say removing citizenship, as in the case of Shamima Begum, who fled Britain as a schoolgirl to join Islamic State in Syria, is already a contentious power, and scrapping the requirement for notice would make the home secretary’s powers even more draconian.

Source: British nationality bill allows Home Office to remove citizenship without notice

Soaring backlogs, disgruntled applicants — Canada’s immigration system has been upended by COVID-19. This is the man in charge of fixing it

Some initial messaging from the new minister of immigration. No major change from his predecessor, as expected:

Sean Fraser says he knew what he was getting into when he was tapped to be Canada’s next immigration minister.

“Things are at such a strained point as a result of COVID-19 that I see an opportunity to make an extraordinary difference coming from this particular starting point,” the Nova Scotia MP says.

“There are no shortage of challenges ahead of me.”

Few other federal services have seen so much disruption as the immigration system during the pandemic, with the operation grinding to a halt and staff working remotely with antiquated infrastructure and travel restricted for newcomers abroad due to border closures.

It’s laid bare the many existing problems with immigration operations, from out-of-date technologies that still relied on paper applications and processing, to administrative red tape built up over the years and a lack of resources to meet the insatiable demand for immigration to this country.

In his first major media interview since inheriting the job on Oct. 26. from Marco Mendicino, now the public safety minister, Fraser, a rising star within the Trudeau government, highlighted some of the priorities that call for his immediate attention.

As countries worldwide are all trying to reopen their economies at the same time and competing for the same pool of workers, he said Canada must stay competitive in the global search of talent.

Streamlining the system and digitalizing the application process will be crucial to boosting the processing capacity of the immigration system and improving user experience, he added.

“We have to make a decision of whether we’re going to increase the overall levels to accommodate the intense demand that we’re seeing from people who want to come to Canada,” Fraser said.

“If there’s going to be 400,000 people that are able to come to Canada in a given year and we have 700,000 applicants, it doesn’t take a PhD in mathematics to understand that that’s going to lead to a further buildup of the backlog. So we do have to take strategic decisions about how many people our communities can accommodate successfully.”

As of July 31, according to the immigration department, more than 561,700 people were in the queue for permanent residence and 748,381 had a pending temporary residence application as students, workers or visitors while the backlog for citizenship stood at 376,458 people.

Fraser says he doesn’t have a target timeline for how long it will take to eliminate the backlog, but there are numerous initiatives already in place toward that goal — and other changes will also be made.

“I don’t want to communicate to you today that in a short period of time, all of these problems will be fixed. They weren’t made overnight and they won’t be fixed overnight,” he said.

“I want to accelerate the work that’s going to help clear some of these backlogs. It’s going to make the process less painful for families that are trying to pursue a new life or reunite with their loved ones or find a job to contribute to our economy.”

Fraser said the digitalization of citizenship applications has already taken place and in the months ahead, there will be “serious reforms” on applications for spousal reunification.

There could also be legislative changes in order to remove what Fraser calls the system’s “choke points” as new policies are being developed.

For example, he said it just doesn’t make sense to deny entry of a foreign national with a pending family reunification application to be with their spouse or children in Canada because of their intent to stay in the country permanently. The provision in the law has set many families apart while their applications are in process, sometimes for years.

“It’s easy to get bogged down in a conversation about the number of cases and the inventory. But in my role, you will not succeed if you don’t realize that every one of these cases or numbers in the inventory represents a human being,” Fraser said.

“This will take longer than most people would like, longer than I would like. But if you want to change a system as large as Canada’s immigration regime, to do it right and to succeed, you have to put the time in.”

Born in Antigonish and raised in Merigomish, a small community in Nova’s Scotia’s Pictou County, Fraser is one of the rare immigration ministers from rural Canada.

Like many young people from small remote communities, he — and his five sisters — had to leave for larger urban centres for education and job opportunities. With an undergraduate degree in science from St. Francis Xavier University, the 37-year-old went on to study law at Dalhousie University and at Leiden University in the Netherlands before working at a large law firm in Calgary.

Many communities have struggled with an aging population and out-migration of young people, and immigration is a crucial part of the solution, he said.

“When you have more people around the world coming up, coming into your community, opening businesses, opening restaurants, creating a more dynamic place to live, you see more Canadians flocking to those communities to have that kind of dynamic culture and life experience as well,” said Fraser.

Fraser said the bulk of most of his days since his appointment as the immigration minister has evolved around the Afghan refugee resettlement. The Liberal government has made a commitment to bring in 40,000 Afghan newcomers and so far only 3,500 have made it to Canada.

“Canadians are right to be frustrated about what’s going on in Afghanistan,” he said. “The reality on the ground right now is that we don’t have access the way we did in Syria, and that’s the equation that a lot of Canadians I think are trying to make.”

The government’s strategy is to work with partners in Pakistan, the United Arab Emirates and the United States — all struggling to resettle the Afghan refugees — to bring the Afghans to a permanent home. “Our commitment does not waver,” he said.

Although he was honoured by Maclean’s magazine as the “Best Orator” and a finalist for “Rising Star” in the last government, Fraser said he’s just a guy who cares deeply about people.

“I very much want to ensure that Canada treats people with a sense of dignity, respect and fairness.”

Source: Soaring backlogs, disgruntled applicants — Canada’s immigration system has been upended by COVID-19. This is the man in charge of fixing it

Ottawa refuse de plus en plus de francophones, surtout venus d’Afrique

Similar perceptions and data as seen elsewhere in Canada.

While the disparities in rejection rates raise legitimate questions, disparities themselves do not necessarily mean non-objectivity or bias, just the need to take a closer look to assess or re-assess criteria:

Alors que le nombre d’étudiants étrangers anglophones augmente au Québec, les taux de refus pour des pays africains ne cessent de grimper, et certains dossiers « impeccables » sont refusés. Des candidats répondant pourtant aux critères sont ainsi empêchés de poursuivre leurs études ici, déplorent-ils.

Leurs avocats en immigration dénoncent ces taux « qui frôlent le 100 % » pour certains pays du Maghreb et de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, deux bassins de locuteurs du français. « Il arrive fréquemment qu’un candidat aux études démontre une capacité financière de 100 000 $ pour la durée de son programme, qu’il a son acceptation de l’université, mais il est quand même refusé », note l’avocate québécoise Krishna Gagné.

Le taux de refus global est aussi beaucoup plus élevé au Québec que dans le reste du pays, selon les données fournies au Devoir par Immigration, Réfugiés et Citoyenneté Canada (IRCC). La différence est attribuable entre autres aux principaux bassins de recrutement pour la province, par rapport au reste du Canada.

En moins de deux ans, entre janvier 2020 et septembre 2021, Ottawa a ainsi refusé 35 642 candidats des principaux pays francophones du Maghreb et de l’Afrique de l’Ouest qui voulaient venir au Québec. Pendant ce temps, le nombre d’étudiants en provenance de l’Inde — qui se destinent majoritairement à des cours en anglais — a atteint des sommets, notamment dans le réseau collégial québécois.

Parmi les témoignages recueillis, figure celui du couple Dorothée et Mboungou, originaire de République du Congo. Ils racontent avoir présenté des preuves de leur argent disponible dans des comptes en euros et en monnaie locale. Appartements en location qu’ils possèdent, maison, voiture, entreprise, parcelles de terre ; ils ont également fait évaluer tous leurs biens, en plus de devoir voyager trois fois dans le pays voisin pour faire prendre leurs empreintes digitales par un centre autorisé par le Canada.

« Nous ne sommes pas des nécessiteux au Congo, il ne faut pas croire que tous les Africains sont d’une pauvreté extrême », résume la mère de famille qui travaille pour la multinationale Total depuis 14 ans. Ils ont demandé d’utiliser uniquement leur prénom, de crainte de nuire à une future demande de permis d’études.

« À partir du moment où on a déposé tous les papiers, il s’est passé à peine une semaine avant le refus, comme si la réponse était déjà toute faite », note Dorothée. « Est-ce que c’est une discrimination ? On s’attendait à une étude objective de notre dossier », ajoute-t-elle.

Des raisons contradictoires

Leur dossier était pourtant « impeccable », insiste leur avocate québécoise, Krishna Gagné, mais Ottawa les a refusés. Le principal motif invoqué ? L’agent d’immigration n’était pas convaincu qu’ils quitteraient le Canada à la fin de la période d’études, comme le veut le règlement sur l’immigration.

Ce motif semble « entièrement contradictoire » pour Me Gagné. En effet, les politiques d’immigration tant provinciales que fédérales encouragent de plus en plus les étudiants étrangers à rechercher un statut permanent après l’obtention de leur diplôme.

Ottawa a ouvert cette année de nouvelles voies d’accès à la résidence permanente pour les étudiants étrangers diplômés d’une institution d’enseignement canadienne, soit 40 000 places attitrées. Lors de l’annonce en avril, le ministre de l’Immigration d’alors, Marco Mendicino, disait vouloir permettre « à ceux qui ont un statut temporaire de planifier leur avenir au Canada ». « Nous voulons que vous restiez », avait-il déclaré.

Québec est aussi très actif en matière d’opération de séduction à l’étranger. Seulement en 2021, le gouvernement a conclu des ententes de près de six millions de dollars avec diverses organisations pour « l’attraction et la rétention » d’étudiants étrangers.

« Il existe nombre d’incitatifs pour que les gens restent après leurs études, donc cette raison [évoquée par les agents d’IRCC] contrevient au discours politique et à ces efforts. On dénonce cet aspect », souligne aussi Francis Brown, directeur des affaires internationales de la Fédération des cégeps.

Le couple congolais n’avait pour sa part pas l’intention de rester. Le père de famille espérait qu’un diplôme canadien donne un élan international à sa carrière et à son entreprise : « Il voulait tout simplement sortir un peu du cadre national, même si sa boîte fonctionne très bien », a confié au Devoir son épouse.

« Seulement avec l’argent qu’on a dépensé pour les démarches, on aurait pu payer toute une scolarité en France », soupire la femme. Mboungou a d’ailleurs déjà décroché une maîtrise en France en 2020 à l’Université Lumière Lyon avec des démarches de permis d’études « beaucoup plus simples ».

Le Québec pénalisé ?

« On ne fait pas le poids face à d’autres systèmes d’immigration », fait valoir M. Brown. Il rappelle notamment que les récents délais de traitement des permis d’études se sont encore allongés cette année, ce qui a été déploré par le gouvernement de François Legault dans une lettre transmise au fédéral.

Le Québec est pénalisé par rapport au reste du Canada en raison de ses bassins de recrutement francophones en Afrique. L’Algérie, le Sénégal et le Cameroun figurent par exemple parmi les six premiers pays d’origine des étudiants étrangers au Québec et ont connu des taux de refus de plus de 80 % en 2020 et en 2021. Le Maroc figure au 4e rang en importance sur le plan du nombre d’étudiants, mais son taux de refus est moins élevé en moyenne que ceux des autres pays africains.

D’autres ressortissants à destination du Québec se font rejeter par Ottawa à hauteur de 80 à 90 %, comme ceux de la Guinée, du Bénin, du Togo et de la République démocratique du Congo.

Dans les autres provinces, l’Inde représente une grande partie du bassin d’étudiants étrangers, mais son taux de refus est beaucoup moins élevé que pour ces pays africains francophones. Il n’a été que de 30 % pour les neuf premiers mois de 2021, soit nettement sous celui des pays d’origine pour le Québec.

Qui plus est, le taux de refus des candidats d’un même pays d’origine est parfois plus élevé au Québec que dans le reste du Canada. En 2020, les demandes de la Côte d’Ivoire ont par exemple été refusées à 75 % au Québec et à 68 % dans le reste du Canada.

Ce fossé s’explique en partie par une « méconnaissance de la place du réseau collégial dans le système d’enseignement supérieur » par IRCC, selon la Fédération des cégeps. Plusieurs étudiants se font ainsi refuser un permis d’études dans un cégep « parce que l’agent considère que la demande ne concorde pas avec le parcours, sur la base du cheminement scolaire », dit Francis Brown.

Une personne avec l’équivalent d’un baccalauréat universitaire par exemple serait considérée comme trop « avancée » par un agent d’immigration pour faire une technique dans un cégep. Les étudiants africains s’inscrivent pourtant dans des programmes « avec un taux de placement très élevé », insiste Nathalie Houde, conseillère en recrutement à l’international pour le Cégep de Jonquière. C’est le cas dans des filières industrielles, par exemple, où les demandes d’admission de la part des Québécois sont en baisse, mais qui connaissent pourtant de graves pénuries de main-d’œuvre.

En août dernier, cinq étudiants acceptés par ce cégep avec des bourses d’excellence se sont vu refuser l’accès au Canada, relate-t-elle. « C’était une situation absurde et excessivement difficile », poursuit-elle. La bourse, octroyée par Québec, couvrait les frais de scolarité plus élevés pour les étrangers ainsi que des frais de subsistance. Quatre d’entre eux ont finalement pu arriver à temps pour la session d’automne.

Le taux de refus a en outre augmenté depuis 2017, ce qui indique que la situation empire au lieu de s’améliorer, note Me Krishna Gagné et d’autres membres de l’Association québécoise des avocats et avocates en droit de l’immigration (AQAADI). Le fossé entre les refus au Québec et au Canada s’est aussi accru globalement, selon les données d’IRCC.

Source: https://www.ledevoir.com/societe/education/648552/etudiants-etrangers-ottawa-refuse-de-plus-en-plus-de-francophones-surtout-venus-d-afrique?utm_source=infolettre-2021-11-19&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=infolettre-quotidienne