Unable to find work, many Syrian refugees reluctantly turn to social assistance – Nova Scotia

Not unexpected. Takes many refugees longer to establish themselves:

For their first year after landing in Canada, refugees are supported by either the federal government or private groups. But that support has ended for most Syrian refugees, and many of those unable to find jobs have turned to provincial social assistance.

Just shy of 1,500 Syrian refugees landed in Nova Scotia between November 2015 and July this year. Of those, more than half — 894 adults and children — were on income assistance as of late September, according to the province’s Department of Community Services.

Syrian refugees represent about two per cent of the total number of Nova Scotians receiving such benefits. Income assistance in Nova Scotia includes $620 a month for shelter for a family of three or more, and an additional $275 per adult and $133 per child each month for personal expenses. Families may also qualify for the Canada child benefit program.

The problem for many refugees who haven’t found work is a lack of English-language skills. Another is having Syrian work or educational credentials that aren’t recognized in Canada.

via Unable to find work, many Syrian refugees reluctantly turn to social assistance – Nova Scotia – CBC News

Donald Trump Has Nominated 480 People So Far in His Presidency. 80% of Them Are Men.

Says it all:

And if there is one trend that has defined this current president’s staffing decisions, it has been his proclivity to turn to men when filling out key posts.

Since he assumed office, Donald Trump has sent 480 nominations to the U.S. Senate for positions in the judicial branch and executive branches. Of those, The Daily Beast found, 387 were men—constituting just over 80 of all of Trump’s nominees.

The trend goes across government, though it is truly accentuated in certain fields. For example, Trump has nominated 282 men for high-ranking cabinet positions compared to 77 women. He has nominated 55 men for tax, armed forces, veterans claims, district, appellate, and supreme court judgeships compared to 13 women. And he has nominated 50 men to U.S. attorney posts compared to just three women.

Numerous executive branch departments have not had a single woman nominated to their ranks. Though some of them have only a handle of confirmable positions, others like the  Department of Agriculture and the Department of Energy have had seven nominees respectively to date. All of those nominees were men.

via Donald Trump Has Nominated 480 People So Far in His Presidency. 80% of Them Are Men.

Hate Crimes Up In 2016, FBI Statistics Show : NPR

Relatively low numbers compared to the population, reflecting major data collection gaps:

The Anti-Defamation League, for example, noted that nearly 90 cities with populations of more than 100,000 either reported zero hate crimes or did not report data for 2016.

“There’s a dangerous disconnect between the rising problem of hate crimes and the lack of credible data being reported,” said ADL CEO Jonathan A. Greenblatt. He called for an “all-hands-on-deck” approach to get better nation-wide figures on the problem.

Sim Singh, the national advocacy manager of the Sikh Coalition, agreed. He noted that the FBI statistics count seven anti-Sikh hate crimes in 2016, which he said “represents the tip of the iceberg.”

“If law-enforcement agencies fail to document the true extent of hate crimes against our communities,” Singh said, “our nation will have a hard time mobilizing the political will and resources necessary to prevent and combat the problem.”

The only way to fix the data problem, he added, is for law enforcement to adopt mandatory hate crime reporting.

Still, the FBI data provides an overview of hate crimes across the country.

There were 7,509 victims of single-bias hate crime incidents, according to the reported numbers for 2016. A victim can be a person, a business, a government entity or a religious organization.

Nearly 59 percent of the victims were targeted because of their race. A further 21.1 percent were targeted because of religion, and 16.7 percent because of sexual-orientation.

Of the race-related incidents, more than half were anti-black, while some 20 percent were anti-white. More than half of the religious-related crimes, the statistics show, were anti-Jewish, while a quarter were anti-Muslim.

In cases where law enforcement was able to identify the perpetrator, 46.3 percent were white and 26.1 percent were black.

via Hate Crimes Up In 2016, FBI Statistics Show : NPR

B’nai Brith Canada condemns rash of pro-Nazi postering in B.C.

Another disturbing incident:

B’nai Brith Canada has condemned the actions of whoever put up anti-Semitic posters and chalkboard drawings at the University of British Columbia over the Remembrance Day weekend in Vancouver.

On Nov. 11, the student newspaper called the Ubyssey reported that the entrances to the War Memorial Gym were plastered with posters glorifying Nazi Germany.

One poster touts Nazi soldiers as the “true heroes of WW2” and offers links to hateful websites. Another bore a swastika and described Nazism as “anti-degenerate.”

The posters were found Saturday, the same day the school hosted Remembrance Day ceremonies.

Philip Steenkamp, vice-president of external relations for the University of B.C. — said campus security took down the posters as soon as they were made aware of them, and that the university takes incidents of hate and racism very seriously.

Two days earlier, on the anniversary of Kristallnacht or the “night of broken glass” on Nov. 9, 1938 in Germany — the night violence broke out against Jews which resulted in thousands of businesses and synagogues trashed and looted — a chalk drawing was found in the UBC forestry building with a “Heil Hitler” message.

RCMP investigated both incidents, but could not find any suspects, said UBC RCMP Const. Kevin Ray.

“Once again, we see anti-Semitism and neo-Nazism raising their ugly heads at a B.C. university,” said Michael Mostyn, chief executive officer of B’nai Brith Canada.

A neo-Nazi poster put up at the University of British Columbia just before Remembrance Day. (The Ubyssey)

“These disturbing incidents constitute a threat to Jewish students and other minorities on campus, as well as an unforgivable insult to Canadian veterans who made the ultimate sacrifice to defeat Nazi tyranny.”

Earlier in November, posters targeting Jews were found at the University of Victoria.

Publicity around the removal of those posters was followed by a “tidal wave” of hateful comments on social media, according to anti-racism activists, who fear the far-right rallies seen this summer in Charlottesville, Va. — which saw similar posters plastered around many U.S. universities — may be emboldening racists in Canada.

via B’nai Brith Canada condemns rash of pro-Nazi postering in B.C. – British Columbia – CBC News

Sexual Assault Charges Against Islamic Scholar Divide Europe’s Muslim Communities

Reaction to the accusations against Tariq Ramadan:

Sexual assault charges targeting a prominent Islamic scholar have left many European Muslims stunned, and triggered sharply disparate reactions within the multi-faceted community, even as many fear a broader backlash.

Swiss-born theologian Tariq Ramadan took a leave of absence from teaching at Oxford University last week, following complaints of rape and assault filed by two French women and reports of similar charges in Switzerland. A statement by the university said the decision was mutual. Ramadan denies the accusations.

While some analysts say Ramadan’s star has been waning in recent years, the impact of the accusations has been immense. Especially in French-speaking countries, 55-year-old Ramadan inspired a generation of young Muslims to believe Islam and citizenship were compatible in a distinctly secular Europe. Unlike many religious clerics here, he spoke in French rather than Arabic during meetings and symposiums that were usually packed.

“I think this affair is going to lead to big changes,” said Alexandre Piettre, a specialist in Islam at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, in Paris. “He had a discourse of integration, and without it, it leaves space for political radicalism that was contained by it; those who reject public participation in the West and call for a return to Muslim countries — the Hijra — or even armed jihad.”

Double discourse?

The grandson of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood founder Hassan el-Banna, Ramadan has long been a polarizing figure. Critics claim he wielded a “double discourse,” hiding political Islam behind unifying rhetoric. He was temporarily banned from the U.S. under the Bush administration, a measure lifted under the Obama one.

Much of the debate surrounding him has taken place in France, where an estimated five million Muslims make up Western Europe’s biggest Islamic community.

In April, French authorities expelled Ramadan’s older brother, controversial Swiss preacher Hani Ramadan, on grounds he was a threat to public order.

The preacher also sparked outrage in 2002, by publishing an article in France’s Le Monde newspaper that supported stoning adulterers — a position condemned by his brother Tariq.

“Tariq Ramadan: double discourse or double personality?” France’s conservative Le Figaro newspaper asked last week, wondering if the “charming predator” was a sexual one as well.

Multiple accusations

The assault charges come amid a broader global outcry against sexual harassment, triggered by the Harvey Weinstein scandal that began in the United States. As the charges mounted last month, French activist and former Salafist Henda Ayari filed a police complaint accusing Ramadan of brutally raping her in a hotel room in 2012. Since then, another French woman has come forward with a similar story, according to media reports. French prosecutors are probing the accusations.

In neighboring Switzerland, a Geneva newspaper reported four young women said they had sexual relations with Ramadan as minors when he was teaching at their school — at least three of the incidents were said to be non-consensual. Media reported another rape claim in Belgium.

Meanwhile, Oxford University graduate Aymenn Jawad al-Tamimi posted a blog that gave voice to an American Muslim friend, who recounted an unwanted sexual advance by Ramadan in 2013. The account echoed a pattern described by the two French women: an initial interaction with Ramadan on social media to discuss religious matters, then an eventual meeting in a hotel room because Ramadan said he did not wish to be seen in public.

“For me it’s not about his political views,” said al-Tamimi, who works for a think tank opposed to Ramadan, but says he is not part of that debate.

via Sexual Assault Charges Against Islamic Scholar Divide Europe’s Muslim Communities

A Toxic Mix: Sex, Religion and Hypocrisy – The New York Times

Sylvie Kauffman of the Times on Tariq Ramadan in particular, and the Muslim world in general:

If you thought it was challenging for women to come forward and accuse Harvey Weinstein of rape, consider accusing the Islamic theologist Tariq Ramadan. Emboldened by the enormous response in France to the #MeToo wave that was born in Hollywood, two Frenchwomen decided last month to sue Mr. Ramadan for rape and sexual abuse. One of the women, Henda Ayari, has gone public. The second has described her ordeal to journalists but has remained anonymous. And for good reason: Henda Ayari has had to appeal for help after becoming the target of a vicious campaign of insults and slander on social networks, mostly from Muslim extremists. Mr. Ramadan, a grandson of the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, denies the accusations.

It is not only that the Swiss-born Mr. Ramadan, 55, who has taken a leave of absence from Oxford University, where he has taught contemporary Islamic studies (a chair financed by Qatar), is a prominent figure on the intellectual and religious Islamic scene in France. What makes his accusers particularly brave is that they, like him, are practicing Muslims. By the very fact of having spent time alone with him, they have, in the eyes of rigorist teachings of Islam, violated the rules of modesty that women are required to follow.

The sexual revolution that liberated Western women in the 20th century has yet to occur in most of the Muslim world. But we may be seeing a beginning, six years after the crushed hopes of the Arab revolutions. In North Africa, at least, and in the Arabic communities within France, the seeds of women’s rebellion are bearing fruit slowly. Tunisia, the one Arab country that did not turn its back on the Arab Spring, is breaking barriers.

“In Arabic, revolution means whirlwind,” the Tunisian film director Kaouther Ben Hania, a woman, recently told the French public radio channel France-Inter. “So it turns everything upside down, it changes everything, and overnight we find ourselves talking about everything, while under the dictatorship we did not talk. I would never have been able to do this movie before the revolution.”

Just released in France and in her country, Ms. Ben Hania’s movie “The Beauty and the Dogs” is a harrowing tale of a 20-year-old student raped by two policemen in Tunis after being caught walking on a beach with a boyfriend at night. The film concentrates on the night that follows, during which Mariam, the student, tries stubbornly to file a complaint, which would require getting a doctor to examine her and policemen to take her testimony. Gradually, as hours pass and she encounters more obstacles, her violated dignity leads to a political awakening. Threatened with arrest at dawn, she does not give in. In the end, Ms. Ben Hania explains, “it is the policemen who are afraid of her. Fear has changed sides.”

Ms. Ben Hania, 40, is one of several Arab women now raising their voices in North Africa and in France. The New Year’s Eve attacks by mostly Arab migrants on German women in Cologne in 2016 shed light on what the Algerian author and columnist Kamel Daoud described as “the sexual misery of the Arab world.” His scathing text, published in Le Monde and The New York Times, shocked a group of French academics, who accused him of indulging in “Orientalist clichés.” But when the video of a young woman sexually assaulted by a group of teenagers on a bus in Casablanca, Morocco, went viral this summer, those academics kept silent.

Neither did they utter a word when the Moroccan actress Loubna Abidar had to take refuge in France last year after receiving death threats for her role in “Much Loved,” a Franco-Moroccan film about prostitutes that was banned in Morocco.

As more women emerge, in France, Switzerland and Belgium, with allegations of sexual misconduct against Mr. Ramadan, a picture emerges of the domination exercised over women by a powerful Islamic theologian who had also impressed some left-wing French intellectuals and television hosts. It is a picture of a double life that those who had scrutinized him had long suspected. The French feminist writer Caroline Fourest, his archenemy, says she had been approached by some of his victims but was not able to persuade them to file complaints.

Bernard Godard, a former official of the Ministry of Interior, where he was for many years the main expert on Islam before retiring three years ago, even told the French magazine L’Obs last week that he had heard that Tariq Ramadan had “mistresses, that he consulted sites, that girls were brought to the hotel at the end of his lectures, that he invited some to undress, that some resisted and that he could become violent and aggressive.” But he admitted to being “stunned” by the latest allegations, of rapes. “I have never heard of rapes,” he said.

Double life is a familiar theme, as is sexual misery, in a very revealing book just published in France, “Sexe et Mensonges: La Vie Sexuelle au Maroc” (“Sex and Lies: Sex Life in Morocco”), by the Franco-Moroccan novelist Leïla Slimani. A celebrated author in France, Ms. Slimani, 36, took advantage of a book tour in Morocco to interview all sorts of women about sex, men, family, women, religion and dress codes.

The world they describe is a world of hypocrisy, where appearance and reality clash constantly, where sex is a source of shame but on everybody’s mind, where the cult of virginity — demanded only of women — leads veiled girls to favor sodomy and oral sex to keep their hymen intact or to pay for hymen reparation before getting married. They tell Ms. Slimani of a schizophrenic society, torn between submission and transgression, where the law prohibits sex outside marriage but where everybody does it — in hiding. They feel sorry for mothers who had to give up a school they loved to marry a man they did not choose. They are sick of the chaos that mass consumption of pornography on the internet adds to teenagers’ confused view of sexuality.

Women are on the front line of this indispensable revolution, because they are the first victims of Islamic obscurantists. Ironically, this world of religious dogmas about sexuality was once a very different world. Ten centuries ago, Arabic erotica written by religious dignitaries and sophisticated dictionaries of sex shocked the West. Six decades ago, women wore miniskirts in Kabul and in Tunis.

Today, they just want to decide freely who they are, what they wear, whom they love and when. Make no mistake. In the environment they live in, that is a highly political demand.

via A Toxic Mix: Sex, Religion and Hypocrisy – The New York Times

Des minorités visibles invisibles [municipal elections]

Common to many municipalities in Quebec and elsewhere. Provincial and federal representation generally stronger:

Avec aussi peu d’élus se disant issus de minorités visibles et ethniques, la diversité ne se reflète pas à Montréal, encore moins au Québec. Pourquoi la métropole, si cosmopolite, peine-t-elle encore à attirer des immigrés ? Le Devoir a rencontré trois élus montréalais qui en ont long à dire sur le sujet.

On les appelle les minorités visibles, mais elles sont pourtant presque invisibles dans le lot d’élus au Québec. Le ministère des Affaires municipales et de l’Occupation du territoire ne tient même pas de données statistiques là-dessus, selon ce qu’a appris Le Devoir. À Montréal, sur 103 élus, il y en a désormais 21 qui représentent cette diversité — minorités visibles (6), minorités ethniques (14) et handicapés (1) —, soit 5 de plus qu’aux dernières élections.

On ne fracasse aucun record ici, croit Nathalie Pierre-Antoine, une élue montréalaise d’origine haïtienne. Elle croyait pourtant que la métropole, qui compte 34 % de minorités visibles, allait faire mieux. « On est quand même en 2017 », dit celle qui a été élue pour un second mandat dans l’arrondissement de Rivière-des-Prairies–Pointe-aux-Trembles pour l’Équipe Denis Coderre.

Ce n’est pourtant pas parce que les électeurs ne sont pas prêts, croit-elle. « La preuve, je suis élue », a-t-elle lancé en riant, citant les exemples de Cathy Wong, d’Abdelhaq Sari, de Marie-Josée Parent, qui se dit d’origine autochtone.

Oui, c’est possible

Immigré du Maroc à l’âge d’un an, Younes Boukala, élu conseiller d’arrondissement à Lachine pour Projet Montréal, s’est dit la même chose. Pour le Québécois de 22 ans, musulman et d’origine berbère marocaine, la seule façon de changer les choses était de plonger lui-même. « Les gens me disaient : “Tu as juste 22 ans et tu te présentes ?” Et moi, je leur disais : “Mais ça prend quoi pour se présenter ? Plein de diplômes et un certain âge ?” Il faut juste oser. »

Sur le Plateau Mont-Royal, les habitants du district De Lorimier ont également accueilli à bras ouverts Josefina Bianco, élue pour Projet Montréal comme conseillère d’arrondissement. « Ça ne fait même pas deux ans que je suis Canadienne et j’ai été élue », s’est réjouie la jeune mère italo-argentine, qui vit au Québec depuis sept ans.

Lors de son porte-à-porte, les habitants du quartier n’ont pas manqué de souligner son petit accent espagnol chantant et lui posaient des questions sur ses origines et ses motivations. « Mais j’ai toujours eu un accueil magnifique », dit-elle, consciente que les choses n’auraient peut-être pas été aussi simples dans un autre arrondissement. « La réponse était positive, que ce soit des femmes immigrantes, qui étaient très fières, ou des Québécois. 

Discrimination positive ?

Mais alors, pourquoi si peu de diversité ? D’emblée, il n’y a pas lieu de jeter la pierre aux partis, qui ont fait de grands efforts de recrutement, constate Mme Pierre-Antoine. N’empêche : sur 298 candidats qui se présentaient cette année, 43 (14 %) ont dit appartenir à une minorité visible, ce qui est loin des 34 % de minorités visibles recensées dans la métropole. Toutefois, en tenant compte de ceux qui se déclarent « minorité ethnique » (43 personnes également), ils ont été au total 86 candidats issus de la diversité à se présenter aux élections de dimanche dernier. Sur ce plan, avec 23 % de minorités visibles dans son équipe, Projet Montréal a fait un peu mieux qu’Équipe Denis Coderre, qui n’en avait que 19 %.

Faut-il obliger les partis à la discrimination positive ? « Il faudrait peut-être une formule pour qu’on soit mieux représentés dans les candidatures, mais le choix final appartient aux électeurs », soutient Mme Bianco. Elle préfère croire en l’émulation et en une « vraie » mobilisation citoyenne. Mme Pierre-Antoine est du même avis. « Il y a du pour et du contre concernant les quotas, et c’est vrai que c’est quand on oblige que les choses finissent par arriver plus concrètement. Mais personnellement, je crois qu’il est toujours mieux de sensibiliser avant. »

Intéresser les immigrants

Pour avoir plus de candidats et d’élus issus de la diversité, encore faudrait-il qu’ils aient un intérêt se présenter. « Comme nouvel arrivant, avant de s’impliquer dans la vie politique, on est “en mode” subsistance. On cherche à se loger, se nourrir, à travailler ; l’implication politique n’est pas une priorité », rappelle Mme Bianco, qui a une formation en travail social. « Il y a aussi des immigrants qui viennent de pays aux histoires politiques très difficiles. Pour croire à nouveau en la politique, ça peut leur prendre du temps », ajoute-t-elle, évoquant le passé dictatorial peu reluisant de son pays d’origine.

Avec sa monarchie, le Maroc n’a pas non plus une grande tradition démocratique, souligne Younes Boukala. « Là-bas, on ne se pose pas de questions. C’est le roi qui décide », dit-il. Il a parfois senti une désillusion de la politique de certains de ses concitoyens de Lachine. « Des [personnes issues de] minorités ethniques me disaient “tu vas être un vendu toi aussi” », raconte-t-il. Il leur répondait aussitôt : « Je veux juste vous dire une chose, ce serait quoi mon intérêt à aller en politique à 22 ans ? Mes parents ont beaucoup souffert pour que je puisse réussir et je veux donner cette même chance de réussite aux autres », se rappelle-t-il. « Neuf fois sur dix, leur approche changeait. »

Voter sans citoyenneté

Et si on l’enlevait l’exigence de citoyenneté pour encourager les gens à aller voter au municipal ? N’y aurait-il pas plus de nouveaux arrivants et de gens d’origines diverses en politique active ? La chose mérite qu’on se penche dessus, lance Josefina Bianco. « Il faudrait voir de façon précise avec quel statut on autoriserait le vote, mais c’est vrai que pour quelqu’un qui vit ici, qui paye ses taxes dans la ville, qui a des enfants à l’école et contribue à son quartier, pourquoi pas ? Ça enracinerait davantage les gens. » Younes Boukala abonde dans le même sens. Après tout, les statistiques montrent que plus un individu commence à voter à un jeune âge, plus les chances sont grandes qu’il revote et s’intéresse à la politique. « Et on aurait au moins une chance de diminuer le faible taux de participation au municipal. »

via Des minorités visibles invisibles | Le Devoir

ICYMI – Demandeurs d’asile: Québec a consacré 21 millions en aide de dernier recours

The impact on Quebec of increased numbers of asylum seekers:

Le budget consacré à l’aide gouvernementale pour les demandeurs d’asile va faire un bond important cette année par rapport aux années précédentes, selon les données recueillies par La Presse canadienne.

Déjà, Québec a dépensé près de 21 millions de dollars en huit mois pour l’aide financière de dernier recours destinée aux demandeurs d’asile. À ce montant s’ajouteront d’ici la fin de l’année les dépenses effectuées par le gouvernement en santé, en éducation et pour l’hébergement des personnes.

Entre janvier et août 2017, la province a versé 20 930 584 de dollars en aide sociale aux ménages qui comptent un demandeur d’asile. À titre comparatif, Québec avait débloqué 18,6 millions pour ces prestataires en 2016, et 18,9 millions en 2015.

Une compilation des dépenses est actuellement en cours au gouvernement. Elle sera transmise au ministère de l’Immigration prochainement dans le cadre d’un processus de reddition de comptes, a appris La Presse canadienne.

Au cours des derniers mois, selon le ministre de l’Immigration, David Heurtel, plus de 10 000 personnes, dont la vaste majorité sont d’origine haïtienne, ont franchi la frontière depuis les États-Unis pour demander asile au Québec après que le président Donald Trump eut menacé de les renvoyer dans leur pays.

Seulement qu’en août, 5530 personnes ont traversé la frontière canado-américaine, près du poste frontalier Saint-Bernard-de-Lacolle.

En attente

Dans son Plan d’immigration déposé à l’Assemblée nationale à la fin octobre, le ministre soulignait que la plupart de ces personnes ne font pas partie des cibles d’admission du Québec pour 2018, puisqu’elles sont en attente d’un statut du gouvernement fédéral. Québec prévoit admettre entre 2500 et 2800 réfugiés l’an prochain.

via Demandeurs d’asile: Québec a consacré 21 millions en aide de dernier recours | Caroline Plante | National

How to speak to far-right nationalists: Buruma

Buruma is always interesting to read and his general advice worth reflecting upon:

Something many right-wing populists have in common is a peculiar form of self-pity: the feeling of being victimized by the liberal media, academics, intellectuals, “experts” – in short, by the so-called elites. The liberal elites, the populists proclaim, rule the world and dominate ordinary patriotic people with an air of lofty disdain.

This is in many ways an old-fashioned view. Liberals, or leftists, do not dominate politics any more. And the influence that great left-of-centre newspapers, like The New York Times, once had has long been eclipsed by radio talk-show hosts, right-wing cable TV stations, tabloid newspapers (largely owned by Rupert Murdoch in the English-speaking world) and social media.

Influence, however, is not the same thing as prestige. The great newspapers, as with the great universities, still enjoy a higher status than the more popular press, and the same goes for higher learning. The Sun or Bild lack the esteem of the Financial Times or the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, and evangelical colleges in rural parts of the United States cannot compete in terms of cachet with Harvard or Yale.

Social status arouses more envy and resentment in our populist age than money or fame do. U.S. President Donald Trump, for example, is a very wealthy man, who was more famous than any of his rivals for the U.S. presidency, including Hillary Clinton. And yet he seems to be in an almost permanent rage against people who have greater intellectual or social prestige than he does. The fact that he shares this resentment with millions of people who are much less privileged goes a long way toward explaining his political success.

Until recently, figures on the extreme right had no prestige at all. Driven to the margins of most societies by collective memories of Nazi and fascist horrors, such men (there were hardly any women) had the grubby air of middle-aged patrons of backstreet porno cinemas. Stephen Bannon, still a highly influential figure in Mr. Trump’s world, seems a bit like that – a crank in a dirty raincoat.

But much has changed. Younger members of the far right, especially in Europe, are often sharply dressed in tailor-made suits, recalling the fascist dandies of pre-war France and Italy. They don’t shout at large mobs, but are slick performers in radio and TV studios, and are savvy users of social media. Some of them even have a sense of humour.

These new-model rightists are almost what Germans call salonfaehig, respectable enough to move in high circles. Overt racism is muted; their bigotry is disguised under a lot of smart patter. They crave prestige.

I had occasion to encounter a typical ideologue of this type recently at an academic conference organized by the Hannah Arendt Center at Bard College in the United States. The conference was about populism, and the ideologue was Marc Jongen, a politician from the far-right Alternative fuer Deutschland (AfD) party with a doctorate in philosophy. The son of a Dutch father and an Italian mother, born in Italy’s German-speaking South Tyrol, Mr. Jongen spoke near-perfect English.

Self-pity lay close to the surface. Mr. Jongen described Chancellor Angela Merkel’s decision to give shelter in Germany to large numbers of refugees from Middle Eastern wars as “an act of violence” toward the German people. He called immigrants and refugees criminals and rapists (even though crime rates among refugees in Germany are far lower than among “natives”). Islam was robbing the German Volk of its true identity. Men like Mr. Jongen were always being called Nazis. And so on.

I had been asked to furnish some counterarguments. I did not call Mr. Jongen a Nazi. But I did my best to point out why I thought his claims were both wrong and dangerous. We shook hands at the end. And that, as far as I was concerned, was that.

Then a minor academic storm broke out. More than 50 distinguished U.S. academics signed a letter protesting the Hannah Arendt Center’s decision to invite Mr. Jongen to speak. The point was not that he didn’t have the right to express his opinions, but that Bard College should not have lent its prestige to make the speaker look respectable. Inviting him to speak made his views seem legitimate.

This strikes me as wrong-headed for several reasons. First, if one is going to organize a conference on right-wing populism, it is surely useful to hear what a right-wing populist actually has to say. Listening to professors denouncing ideas without actually hearing what they are would not be instructive.

Nor is it obvious that a spokesman for a major opposition party in a democratic state should be considered out of bounds as a speaker on a college campus. Left-wing revolutionaries were once a staple of campus life, and efforts to ban them would rightly have been resisted.

The protest against inviting Mr. Jongen was not only intellectually incoherent; it was also tactically stupid, because it confirms the beliefs of the far right that liberals are the enemies of free speech and that right-wing populists are victims of liberal intolerance. I like to think that Mr. Jongen left the Bard conference politely discredited. Because of the protest, he was able to snatch victory from defeat.

via How to speak to far-right nationalists – The Globe and Mail

Addressing concerns about marriage fraud: Meurrens

Good and balanced assessment by Meurrens:

As soon as conditional permanent residency was implemented, it was clear that there were problems with the law, many of which were clearly unintended consequences. By far the most severe shortcoming of conditional permanent residency was that many people did not know about the abuse exception to the two-year cohabitation condition and, sadly, stayed in abusive situations to avoid deportation.

The second issue with the abuse exception was that some recent immigrants would make false allegations of abuse in order not to lose their status. In some cases the Canadian sponsors felt so terrible about ending a marriage or common-law relationship with a recent immigrant, knowing that this outcome would lead to the possible deportation of their partner, that they were even willing to participate in the fabrication. During one memorable consultation, a Canadian sponsor who wanted to amicably end his common-law relationship but did not want his partner to face removal from Canada went so far as to ask me how hard he would have to hit her in order for her to qualify for the abuse exception to conditional permanent residency. Frankly, I don’t think the Conservatives realized how far some people would go to stay in Canada, and how difficult it would be for immigration officials to adjudicate whether there was abuse.

Finally, the problem with conditional permanent residency that impacted the largest number of people was that it applied to those who were already inside Canada and who could have obtained permanent residency through economic immigration programs, but instead chose Canada’s family reunification stream because of faster processing times and the ability to work on open-ended work permits during processing.

For example, an international graduate who had been living here with her girlfriend for one year and working for a Canadian employer might have qualified under both the economic and the family reunification programs. From 2012 to 2015, however, the Conservatives frequently imposed application caps on certain economic immigration programs, and in some cases they even terminated whole classes of applications that were in processing. So it was not uncommon for many individuals to submit immigration applications under both economic and family reunification programs. Applicants who succeeded in being admitted through family reunification were then subject to conditional permanent residency, even though they had been working and living in Canada well before they had applied to immigrate. Unfortunately, the rules left some people trapped in relationships that they did not want to stay in. Such outcomes made it clear that the solution to marriage fraud should not be to impose hardship on all in order to catch a few.

While the repeal of conditional permanent residency might have caused some to think that the Liberals are soft on marriage fraud, it is important to note that the Trudeau government is maintaining two other significant measures that the Harper government introduced to address the issue.

The first Conservative reform that remains in place is the requirement that applicants must show that their marriage is genuine at the time of the visa officer’s assessment and that it was not entered into primarily for an immigration purpose. Before 2010, prospective immigrants had to prove only one or the other.

Second, in March 2012 the Conservatives introduced measures prohibiting immigrants who had been sponsored by a Canadian spouse or common-law partner from sponsoring a new spouse or common-law partner within five years after they immigrated. This change has prevented people from marrying a Canadian, immigrating to Canada, quickly divorcing the Canadian, travelling abroad, marrying someone else and then sponsoring that person to immigrate.

Given that both these reforms remain in effect, the Trudeau government’s approach to combatting marriage fraud can perhaps best be described as “three steps forward, one step back.” Supporters of both parties should have confidence that Canada currently has a system to combat marriage fraud that, while not perfect, generally works.

via Addressing concerns about marriage fraud