Election Watch: Beyond the “Ethnic Vote” – New Canadian Media – NCM

Start of an interesting series in New Canadian Media in the lead-up to the October election by political science profs Inder S. Marwah, Stephen E. White and Phil Triadafilopoulos:

  • What exactly is the “ethnic vote”?  How is it understood and/or defined by different parties, media and researchers? Is there such a thing as an ethnic vote, or are there many different (perhaps conflicting) ethnic votes? Do assumptions about the “ethnic vote” portray widely diverse communities as sharing in a single set of values or interests?
  • What are the key ridings to watch in the lead-up to the 2015 election? How will demographic factors affect local, regional and national voting patterns?
  • What are the issues of greatest concern to new Canadians and/or longstanding ethnic communities? How are the different parties addressing them?
  • Are religious practices being politicized for electoral purposes, as has been the case in many European states? How are new Canadians likely to respond to such efforts?

We will explore how immigration and new Canadian communities are helping to shape the country’s political landscape. Broadly speaking, Canada is an immigrant-receiving success story. In the last few decades, the country has opened itself to a high volume of immigration, provided immigrant populations with relatively easy access to naturalization and citizenship, and maintained its social cohesion, political stability and economic wellbeing along the way. While new Canadians undoubtedly face barriers in accessing social, political and economic opportunities, they fare better in these respects than do immigrant communities in many other countries. New Canadians are, then, poised to profoundly influence the 2015 federal election, and more broadly, Canada’s political life. We look forward to analyzing their influence in the months ahead.

Election Watch: Beyond the “Ethnic Vote” – New Canadian Media – NCM.

Germany reverses ban on headscarves for Muslim teachers

Progress even if some dissent:

The court in Karlsruhe, ruling on a case brought by a Muslim woman blocked from a teaching job because of her headscarf, said religious symbols could only be banned when they posed “not just an abstract but a concrete risk of disruption in schools.”

“This is a good day for religious freedom,” said Volker Beck, a lawmaker from the opposition Greens.

He argued that headgear worn by devout Muslim, Jewish and Christian women and men was less of a threat to German society than “opponents of diversity” such as the right-wing Alternative for Germany (AfD), neo-Nazis and extremist Muslim Salafists.

Christine Lueders, head of the federal anti-discrimination agency, hailed the ruling for “reinforcing religious freedom in Germany.” With education administered by Germany’s 16 states, she called on local authorities to review the relevant rules.

But the German Teachers’ Assocation (DL) called the ruling “problematic,” saying it undermined the principle of political and religious “neutrality” in schools and public services.

“We fear this ruling could lead to disruption in certain schools if, for example, non-Muslim parents do not agree with their children being taught by teachers in headscarves,” said Josef Kraus, president of the teachers’ body.

Germany reverses ban on headscarves for Muslim teachers – The Globe and Mail.

Le Canada mûr pour une commission Bouchard-Taylor?

The Official Opposition struggles with the niqab issue and advocates greater public consultations rather than the current politicization of the Government. Hardly likely, a few months before the election:

Quelques heures plus tard, à sa sortie des Communes, le député est allé plus loin en s’opposant sans équivoque au port du voile intégral dans la fonction publique. « Moi, comme la plupart de mes collègues, on veut vivre dans une société où les gens sont à visage découvert. […] Je pense que la plupart des gens s’attendent à recevoir des services publics de la part de quelqu’un dont on peut voir le visage », a tranché le député. La veille, son chef Thomas Mulcair avait systématiquement refusé de préciser si le niqab était acceptable dans la fonction publique.

M. Boulerice ne va pas jusqu’à proposer de poser des balises légales. Avant tout, le Canada devrait à son tour — comme l’a fait le Québec il y a huit ans — consulter citoyens et experts.

« Il y a une espèce de vacuum en ce moment au niveau fédéral. Et ce qu’on voit, c’est des conservateurs qui jouent sur des préjugés et des amalgames pour essayer de marquer des points politiques. Et ça, on le déplore », a reproché le député de Rosemont.

…Le NPD croit au contraire que le niqab ne pose pas problème lorsqu’une femme prête un serment personnel, mais qu’il ne devrait pas être accepté lorsque cette même femme est en relation de services avec le citoyen. M. Boulerice doute d’ailleurs qu’une seule fonctionnaire fédérale porte le niqab. Le bureau du ministre Clement — qui s’est dit convaincu cette semaine qu’il y en a — a indiqué au Devoir qu’il ne « recense pas ce genre d’information ».

Thomas Mulcair était du même avis que son député, en avril dernier. « Le visage découvert, pour livrer des services au public, est tout à fait respectueux des libertés », avait-il réagi lorsque Philippe Couillard a promis une charte de la laïcité édulcorée.

Le chef néodémocrate a toutefois refusé de répondre à cette même question mercredi. Son bureau n’a pas répondu aux courriels du Devoir lui demandant si le chef partage la position de M. Boulerice.

Le Canada mûr pour une commission Bouchard-Taylor? | Le Devoir.

Michael Den Tandt: Conservatives would be wise to call a truce in the culture wars

Minister Kenney’s attempt to explain more coherently the reasons for the ban on niqabs at citizenship ceremony and tone down some of the government rhetoric, led by the PM with an assist by Minister Alexander, among others:

Mr. Kenney then ventured a Q&A with Macleans‘ John Geddes, in which he provided the first thoughtful defence, that I am aware of, of his banning the niqab from citizenship ceremonies.

“Something politically correct Liberals don’t understand, which I do rather profoundly,” Mr. Kenney told Macleans, “is that the vast majority of new Canadians, including new Canadians of the Muslim faith, believe that there are certain important hallmarks of integration. They don’t believe that multiculturalism should be misconstrued as cultural relativism. They believe that multiculturalism should mean a positive regard for what’s best about people’s cultural and religious antecedents. But it should not mean a completely unquestioning acceptance of every cultural practice, especially those of an abhorrent nature.”

Mr. Kenney continued: “I can tell you that the vast majority of Muslims that I’ve spoken with strongly supported my decision in 2010 to state what I thought was axiomatic that a public citizenship ceremony had to be performed publicly.”

So there you have it; the crux, about which reasonable people may disagree. Absent from Mr. Kenney’s construction was the overreach — whether it be Prime Minister Stephen Harper thundering that Islamic culture is “anti-women,” to Immigration Minister Chris Alexander’s earlier conflation of the niqab and the hijab or headscarf — that have opened the Conservatives up anew to the hoary old charge that they are anti-immigrant.

Michael Den Tandt: Conservatives would be wise to call a truce in the culture wars

Newcomer Parents Face Challenges Navigating School System – New Canadian Media – NCM

On some of the integration issues faced by parents helping their kids succeed in the school system:

Luz Bascuñan, the first Latin American woman to be elected as a trustee at the Toronto District School Board (TDSB), shared her views on Spanish student dropout rates in the 2009 publication “Four in Ten Spanish-Speaking Youth and Early School Leaving in Toronto.” In it, Bascuñan reduced the problem to four factors: the hiring system, the status of Spanish language in Toronto’s schools, the school curriculum and the lack of formal structures for parent and community involvement.

Today, she says the amalgamation of Toronto in 1998 also negatively impacted the education system, and she calls things like Ontario regulation 612/00, which installed parent involvement committees “a very generic way” to address parents not getting involved.

“Involving parents in their children’s education, which is key to educational success, cannot be done only because there’s a regulation,” Bascuñan says. “It’s necessary to develop a number of different initiatives. Back in the day, before the amalgamation, we had funding enough to make monthly meetings with parents, when we had trained child care workers to take care of the kids while the parents were there, we had interpreters for all the different languages, and we had dinner for everyone, solving the biggest problems parents use as an excuse for not going.”

The problems for Guido and Rossy’s daughter got worse with pressure from the school, with calls and letters telling them how behind their daughter was. “Some teachers suggested maybe our daughter had listening or speech problems, or having some family issues at home,” Guido shares.

“I think parents that came from other countries are really concerned of their kids’ education. In fact, a better education was one of the main reasons why they immigrated here in the first place.” – Esther Contreras, Peel District School Board teacher

“As soon as the problems arose we started helping her every night after school until today,” Guido continues. “They’re nice at schools, very polite, but I think they try to evade being blamed for any problem that my daughter had. It’s true, at my house we try to only speak Spanish, but she speaks English too… she could talk in both languages with no problem. Even so, once a teacher told me to put her in ESL classes. And every time you asked for help they give you a long list of websites instead of talking to you any longer. We took her to all the doctors they sent us, and when we realized she didn’t have any medical problem, her teachers changed the nature of the issue over and over.”

Given that some communities appear to have greater challenges then others, there may be some internal community dynamics at play as well, that need to be factored into account in developing community-specific approaches as appears to be the case in Toronto.

Newcomer Parents Face Challenges Navigating School System – New Canadian Media – NCM.

Amid niqab controversy, women ask Harper if they meet dress code

Some of these are quite funny, and a good reminder of the power of humour and parody to make a point:

For Farrah Khan, a counsellor at a Toronto clinic for women experiencing violence, the last several months have signalled a growing sentiment of Islamophobia in Parliament, and across Canada. The government’s anti-terror and “barbaric cultural practices” bills haven’t helped, she says, and she’s seeing more Muslim women come into the clinic saying they’re being violently attacked on the subway and at school. Even a senior Conservative senator, Marjory Lebreton, acknowledged this week that the party needs to “work harder” so that Muslims don’t feel alienated. And Stephen Harper’s Tuesday comments about women wearing niqabs during their Canadian citizenship ceremonies made things seem worse.

“Why would Canadians, contrary to our own values, embrace a practice at that time that is not transparent, that is not open, and frankly is rooted in a culture that is anti-women?” he told the House of Commons.

Khan says these sort of comments deflect from acts of violence against women the government should be speaking out about. “We should be addressing the more than 1,000 missing and murdered indigenous women,” she said in a phone interview with Maclean’s. “As a feminist and as a Muslim woman, it’s difficult for me to see that Muslim women’s bodies are being used as a battleground. It’s anti-women to dictate what women should and shouldn’t wear.”

That’s why she was thrilled to see her frustration shared by hundreds of people using the hashtag #DressCodePM, an attempt to criticize and parody the government’s stance on the niqab.

Amid niqab controversy, women ask Harper if they meet dress code.

Niqab debate important for Canadians, religious freedoms ambassador says

More on the incoherent messaging from the Government; showing openness and inclusion on the one side, playing wedge and identity politics on the other:

Bennett, who was appointed Canada’s ambassador for religious freedoms in 2013, said balancing equality rights against religious freedoms is always a challenge.

“Freedom of religion necessarily intersects with equality between men and women and freedom of expression, freedom of association,” he said.

“So we have to ensure that one right does not trump another right, and I think we always have to be aware — as the prime minister has articulated — about the rights of women in society and we have to be careful to defend those rights.”

….The scramble to clarify came amid a social media backlash to Harper’s comments and escalating opposition charges that the Conservatives are deliberately stoking prejudice against Muslim Canadians in their bid to ramp up fear about radical Islamist terrorism.

Clement argued that Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau, who gave a major speech Monday denouncing what he dubbed Harper’s “politics of fear,” is the one expanding the issue beyond just niqabs at citizenship ceremonies.

But Conservative party talking points issued Wednesday suggest the issue is tied to the party’s broader goal of making terrorism an key issue in the coming election. After offering several lines about Trudeau being out of step with public support for banning the niqab during citizenship ceremonies, the final point says: “Unlike Justin Trudeau, we are not afraid to call the growing threat of jihadi terrorism exactly that — jihadi terrorism.”

For a Government that is normally so disciplined in its messaging, interesting to observe.

Niqab debate important for Canadians, religious freedoms ambassador says – The Globe and Mail.

National Post View: Sneaking in new ‘Canadian values’

National Post editorial on the mixed messages from the Government on the niqab:

In an interview with iPolitics on Tuesday, Treasury Board President Tony Clement rolled out the red carpet for niqab-wearing women who wish to work in the public service. Indeed, he asserted they “are frequently worn” by civil servants. “If you are in your place of work or privately in your home or in your private life, what you wear is of no concern to the state,” he said, with the reasonable proviso that the garment presents no safety concerns.

In an interview with Maclean’s the same day, Minister for Multiculturalism (among other portfolios) Jason Kenney made similar noises. Though he defended his government’s stance against niqabs at citizenship ceremonies on grounds that it involves “an interaction between the individual and the state,” and what’s more “a public declaration,” he drew a firm line there. “I’ve said consistently … that I think the state has no business regulating what people wear,” he said.

Meanwhile in the House of Commons, Stephen Harper was taking a very different line. Responding to a question, he stood up and doubled down against the niqab: “Why would Canadians, contrary to our own values embrace a practice [at citizenship ceremonies] that is not transparent, that is not open, and frankly is rooted in a culture that is anti-women? That is unacceptable to Canadians and unacceptable to Canadian women.” (Our italics.)

In the past we’ve argued that no one in government has yet made the case for uncovered faces as an obligation of citizenship, albeit one that applies only at the moment of its ceremonial confirmation. That remains true today. Mr. Kenney speaks of “interaction between the individual and the state” as the threshold at which people must show their faces, which at least has a certain logical coherence. The Quebec Liberals, for example, have committed to banning the niqab in the provincial public service on the same grounds. But in Ottawa, we have the Prime Minister denouncing niqabs as misogynist symbols contrary to Canadian values, while two of his senior ministers mildly declare that what people wear is none of their business.

And still, no one has managed to articulate why niqabs should be banned at citizenship ceremonies — or just as confusingly, why they aren’t actually banned. The regulations governing citizenship judges advise them to afford “the greatest possible freedom in the religious solemnization or solemn affirmation” of the oath. The “ban” is merely a ministerial directive — one that could hardly contradict those regulations more blatantly. In fact, government lawyers defended the policy on just those grounds. “In the respondent’s view, the policy is not mandatory and citizenship judges are free not to apply it,” Justice Boswell of the Federal Court wrote, in striking the policy down.

If this cynical sleight of hand was an effort to keep the issue out of court, it has failed miserably. If it’s as essential to “Canadian values” as Mr. Harper says that citizenship oaths be taken with uncovered faces, then surely it belongs in the regulations. That he seems more inclined instead to bluster and spend public money appealing the Federal Court ruling, while his ministers try not to let the anti-niqab fire get too hot, speaks volumes.

Politicians trying to sneak new “Canadian values” in through the service entrance are not to be trusted. The Conservatives need to let this bugbear die.

National Post View: Sneaking in new ‘Canadian values’

Multiculturalism and Canada: To He.. With The New Colonisers! | Vancouverdesi.com

A bit of an incoherent piece by former British Columbia Premier and Federal Cabinet Minister Dosanjh on multiculturalism, forgetting that multiculturalism was always anchored within Canadian history and cultures, but yet open – within constitutional and legal limits – to other cultures.

It was never about “parity” or complete cultural relativism, even if some may have claimed so, and any rights asserted under multiculturalism had to be balanced with other rights:

Proponents of “no Canadian culture” show an abysmal ignorance of the fact of the diverse aboriginal cultures that claimed Canada as home long before the European onslaught. Canada has always had a culture of its own. It was not a blank slate when the Europeans came nor is it now. We must vigorously and justly make that claim. In the absence of a robust claim for the primacy of the now enduring Canadian culture of justice, equality, compassion and diversity, with all its warts for all to see, Gad Horowitz’s description of “multiculturalism as masochistic sharing of Canadian nothingness” may not be far off the mark. For that Pierre Trudeau’s Charter may be to blame. Who said all politicians do not pander in their own time?

The belief of some that Canada has no culture of its own at any given time up to now, by definition, renders Canada savage, waiting to be ‘civilised’ by the newcomers-the civilisers. The holders of this belief easily come to the ‘logical’ conclusion that Canada ‘needs’ culture and nothing could be better than their own culture. Human beings in different civilisations have believed from time immemorial that “they are the chosen people” and if you so believed, and Canada you believed had no culture of its own, you would think you are doing Canada a favour by lending it your presence and culture.

The Charter reference to “multicultural heritage” has also acted as a seed for the germination and advancement of the principle of parity of all cultures and traditions found in Canada. This phenomenon is easy to understand given a commonly whispered belief, among generations of newcomers, of a weak or a nonexistent Canadian Culture. The idea of parity could prove rather inimical to the need for integration into the Canadian mainstream; because “all streams are main”. In the long run unless we are careful we can kiss good bye to robust social solidarity and social cohesion- a sin qua non for a harmonious and inclusive Canada at peace with itself.

Multiculturalism & Canada: To He.. With The New Colonisers! | Vancouverdesi.com.

Michael Den Tandt: Justin Trudeau’s manifesto stakes a claim for pluralism and liberty

By far, the best commentary on Trudeau’s Toronto speech on the politics of fear and the reaction:

What’s most novel about Trudeau’s thesis, at root, is the claim it lays to upholding individual freedom against the encroachments of the state. It’s intellectual ground the Harper Conservatives have been pleased to occupy, virtually without competition, since their Reform Party days in the early 1990s.

Most curious of all: Monday’s speech and the strategy underlying it have been in the works for months, according to Liberal party sources. But the hook was a series of recent Conservative missteps — ­from a Facebook post caterwauling about a non-existent imminent attack on the West Edmonton Mall, to Immigration Minister Chris Alexander’s conflation of the hijab (headscarf) and the niqab, to Conservative MP John Williamson’s facepalm-inducing recent musings about “whities” and “brown people” –­ that together convey the impression that, contrary to all its careful messaging of the past two decades, this Conservative party may not be friendly to minorities, after all.

Clearly, the PMO now perceives some peril here: Late Monday, staffers sent out an email reiterating past assertions by Jason Kenney and by the PM of warm support for Canada’s million-strong Muslim community.

The question is whether it will be enough. Intolerance of minorities is a 35-year-old chink in the Western conservative movement’s armour, which long held it back in Ontario. It’s odd indeed to see this dialectic re-emerge now, long past the time when most had thought it dead and gone.

Michael Den Tandt: Justin Trudeau’s manifesto stakes a claim for pluralism and liberty

Other interesting commentary by Aaron Wherry, notes the contradiction between the public position and the one argued in Court:

It would seem useful here to turn to the actual ruling of the Federal Court, in the case of Zunera Ishaq, that overturned the government’s attempt to ban the wearing of the niqab during the citizenship oath. What undid the government’s position was simple incoherence—the policy directive by the minister, Jason Kenney in his previous portfolio, conflicted with the regulations that govern the citizenship process. So while the directive demanded that the niqab be removed during the saying of the oath, the regulations instruct the citizenship judge to allow “the greatest possible freedom in the religious solemnization or solemn affirmation thereof.” The regulations also do not require visual confirmation that an oath has been sworn—only that the applicant sign their name to a certificate bearing the oath. In the case of a discrepancy between the minister’s directive and the regulations, the judge ruled that the regulations took precedence.

And then there is paragraph 30 of the ruling: ”The Respondent argues that this application is premature. In its view, the Policy is not mandatory and citizenship judges are free not to apply it.”

Unless the judge has misunderstood the arguments, this seems a remarkable concession by the government. One imagines the government’s lawyers might’ve thought they had a novel argument for the case’s dismissal—that the ban on the niqab was not mandatory and therefore “there is no way to know what would have happened had the Applicant attended the ceremony and refused to uncover her face.” But, as the judge noted, this clashed with both the public statements of the minister and private statements of government officials.

On those grounds, the government’s claim of an option was dismissed by Justice Boswell. But that doesn’t quite absolve the government of the contradiction. In the House today, the Prime Minister said, “We do not allow people to cover their faces during citizenship ceremonies.” But in the court the Prime Minister’s government would seem to have argued that we do allow for people to cover their faces, so long as the presiding citizenship judge agrees. So which is it? And if it’s the former, why were the government’s lawyers arguing the latter?

(I’ve asked Immigration Minister Chris Alexander’s office for an explanation on this point and will post what I receive.)

Justin Trudeau and the niqab What Justin Trudeau says and what the Federal Court said

Terry Milewski of the CBC provides the play-by-play of  the political jousting back and forth over Trudeau’s remarks:

Niqab controversy: Stephen Harper, Justin Trudeau wade into culture war over the veil