Non-permanent residents are force in Canadian economy

Interesting take from CIBC on the economic contribution of non-Permanent Residents:

The most powerful demographic and economic impact is not in the tight labour markets of Alberta and Saskatchewan, but in British Columbia and Ontario, Tal found.

The number of non-permanent residents tripled in Ontario between 2006 and 2013. If those people hadn’t arrived, the province would have lost 120,000 people in the important cohort that is forming households and powering economies.

In B.C., the number in the 25-44 age group would have been flat if the non-permanent residents total hadn’t doubled.

“It is not a coincidence that those two provinces are also the ones to experience long-lasting strong housing market activity,” Tal said in his analysis.

The implication is that any new federal policies to alter the status of TFWs should take into account their importance as spenders in the Canadian economy.

“The main issue is to take into account the economic impact of such large numbers. The number is big enough to change the trajectory,” Tal said.

He said the 2013 numbers, which he drew from Statistics Canada, may underestimate the number of non-permanent residents in Canada compared to more recent figures from Citizenship and Immigration Canada.

He points to a 14 per cent growth in new permits for TFWs and nine per cent growth in extensions in 2014. There is very little evidence such workers are returning to their home countries, he said.

Non-permanent residents are force in Canadian economy: CIBC – Business – CBC News.

How ethnic nationalism undercuts multiculturalism on the Korean peninsula

More on multiculturalism and diversity in the Koreas:

The ideal of creating a modern nation-state for the Korean people underpinned the founding of 
both North and South Korea. But the nation-building process also produced minorities. In South Korea, discrimination on the basis of regional origin increased under the authoritarian regimes led by Park Chung Hee and Chun Doo Hwan
 and continues in public discussions today. In North Korea, the social stratification (songbun) system divides the population into three major categories, and 51 subcategories, on the basis of how one’s grandparents participated in the emerging state’s anti-colonial communist revolution.

The most important minority group in South Korea today is ethnic Korean Chinese. Increasing numbers of 
ethnic Korean Chinese have migrated to South Korea under the diaspora (dongpo) policy, which loosened entry and residency regulations. Today, the ethnic Korean Chinese population in South Korea reaches 500,000 — 39 per cent of the total foreign nationality population. Despite sharing the same language and working in sectors where there is the most need, ethnic Korean Chinese continue to face prejudice and discrimination from broader South Korean society.

South Korea’s migration policy 
is designed to satisfy small- and medium-size businesses’ demand for cheap labour. This policy focus means the rights of migrant workers have not been protected effectively. Under the Employment Permit System, adopted in 2004, migrant workers continue to experience abuse and exploitation. They face restrictions when changing workplace and are prohibited from forming or joining labour unions. A 2014 Amnesty International report detailed abuses of migrant workers 
in the farm and fishery sectors and recommended that the government allow workers greater freedom to change workplace and enforce work condition standards across all sectors.

Marriage migrants also face problems. In rural areas, the majority of marriages — 236,000 in total — are between a Korean man and a foreign bride. Cultural differences in this male-dominated family setting can create major difficulties, and family discord and domestic violence are common. One counselling centre received 5000 requests for divorce counselling in 2014. In that same year, 69 per cent of immigrant wives suffered abuse. Seven of these women were murdered by their partners.

Civic, religious and feminist groups run shelters for immigrant women facing divorce proceedings, who risk having their residency revoked. There are 100 multicultural support centres nationwide that run incipient conflict resolution mechanisms and seek to represent the interests of immigrant wives. Jasmin Lee, a naturalised Filipino-Korean elected in 2012, is the first advocate for immigrant wives in the National Assembly. 
Lee faced racially-charged attacks, demonstrating a general insensitivity to multiculturalism in South Korea.

How ethnic nationalism undercuts multiculturalism on the Korean peninsula | East Asia Forum.

Toronto police chief won’t abolish controversial practice of carding: ‘There will be an increase in crime’

Dose of reality on levels of change to be expected given police will always want more information and data (earlier post on new policy Toronto Police’s carding reform is built on a good foundation):

Asked specifically what would happen if carding was banned, Saunders replied: “If we removed the ability of our officers to engage with the community, all I can tell you is it will put us in a situation where there will be an increase in crime.”

A new city policy on carding, adopted by the police services board in April, is subject to mandatory review after six months. The policy, which stripped away safeguards and restrictions proposed in an earlier draft, allows police to stop citizens without telling them they’re free to go unless they specifically ask. It also removes an earlier requirement for police to hand out receipts to anyone they card.

At the summit Wednesday, Mayor John Tory, who sits on the police services board, defended the process that led to the new policy.

“I completely accept the fact that the system as has been, the system which was in place, combined with inadequate framing, which I think is a major shortcoming we’ve had in the system, frequently produced unjust, discriminatory consequences for black young people in particular,” he said. But when he came into office five months ago, he added, there was effectively no carding policy at all.

“The policy we recently approved was not only the best we could do at that time, but it was better than no oversight, no policy and procedure,” he said.

As for what will happen after the six-month review, Saunders appeared to rule out at least one potential option.

“Abolishing it,” he said, ” is not the way in which we’re going to say ‘everything is going to be better.’”

Toronto police chief won’t abolish controversial practice of carding: ‘There will be an increase in crime’